Summary: In order to gather material and to fit himself generally for the writing of this thesis, the writer, in company with a companion, devoted a portion of the Summer Vacation to an extended tour of the Maori field. Time did not permit of a visit to the North Auckland Peninsula, but with this exception, a complete circuit of the North Island was made. Visits to different parts of the South Island field had been made at an earlier date and had brought forth valuable experience in methods of approach and in the kind of enquiries that should be pursued. Letters of introduction were secured from Officials of the Native Department in Wellington, and from other Maori leaders, to prominent local personalities at different points in the journey. Under the sponsoring of such local leaders, avenues of enquiry were opened up that would otherwise have been closed. Care was taken, however, not to see only those things to which the leaders directed our attention. We travelled by car and carried camping equipment, so that it was possible to pause where inclination prompted. Many nooks and corners were thereby investigated. Living conditions, attempts at farming, the lately-instituted Land-development Schemes, and the Maori at work and at play, were all seen at first hand. Such observations were supplemented by interviews and casual conversations with scores of people, both Maori and European, in all walks of life:- Officials of Maori Land Boards, County Clerks, School Teachers, Medical men, Clergymen, Lawyers, Policemen, Storekeepers, Hotel Proprietors, Picture Theatre Managers of Dairy Factories, Farmers of all grades, labourers, tramps and many other such. From the wealth of material gathered, selection and elimination, for the purpose of keeping the thesis within reasonable bounds, have been difficult processes. The principle adopted has been to include such material as was calculated to give the most representative presentation of the whole Maori field. The tour has been valuable more in the way it has brought an appreciation of general trends than in the provision of exact information. Exact quantitative material has been gleaned largely from other sources - mostly from official publications and from direct correspondence with Government Departments. The contribution of the tour lies in the way it has illuminated all subsequent reading on the subject and in the way it has provided both general conclusions for enunciation and concrete examples with which to back them up.

This thesis is a study in the history of ideas in late 19th and early 20th century New Zealand: it examines the writings and correspondence of the Pākehā ethnographer, Elsdon Best, and his principal Tuhoe source, Tutakangahau of Maungapohatu. His intellectual influences are analysed, especially the writings of Edward Tylor and Max Müller, and their views on socio-cultural evolution, human progress, and a myth-making stage in humanity's development. Such mentors combined to produce Best's over-riding literary image: the mythopoetic Māori. The study charts his transformation from field anthropologist to government ethnographer at the Dominon Museum (Wellington), arguing that Best is the father of received versions of Māori culture. The work traces Tutakangahau's history in published sources and official correspondence, to evince the political reality in which Māori were fully engaged. This conflicts with Best's romantic vision of the surviving "oldtime Maori" as yesterday's men. By writing of Māori as primitive survivals, Best managed to both exoticise and detemporalise his subjects. The sources are his articles, correspondence, notebooks and published monographs; in Tutakangahau's case, letters and reports in the AJHR. The thesis questions the political argument that Best has misrepresented Māori, presenting him instead as the author of modern visions of Māori authenticity. Best sought a lost Māori being (ontology), obliterated by colonisation; the essential, pre-contact Māori psyche he described has remained active and pervasive in subsequent literature. His views have been absorbed into a reconstructed authentic Māori being, based on tradition - particularly in the post WW2 Māori renaissance. Many advocates of such essentialism seem unaware of the presence of Best's image of Māori authenticity in their writings. The study argues that there is no possibility of a late 19th century Māori epistemology unmediated by Pākehā influence. Through an evidential examination of Best's use of sources, a metamorphosis of views on Māori spirituality is observed taking place in the period. The thesis concludes that the post-mortem rejection of Best's methods and conclusions have led to an under-estimation of his underlying influence in the literature.

The aim of this thesis is to explore the influences and contributions of Māori to the establishment and development of the sport of rugby league in New Zealand. The overarching question of this thesis is how have Māori influenced and contributed to the development of rugby league in New Zealand? This thesis examines the international social history of rugby league from the origins of rugby league as a sport following the split in rugby union in England through to the contemporary status of Māori within the game as an elite sport in New Zealand and overseas. By examining Māori involvement in rugby league it is my intention to place Māori at the centre of the explanation for the establishment and development, past and present, of the sport in New Zealand, and also globally. While there have been some previous accounts of the affiliation between Māori and rugby league (Coffey and Wood, 2008; Greenwood, 2008; Falcous, 2007) this thesis compiles accounts from disparate sources in order to outline the history of Māori involvement and achievement in the development stages of rugby league. Key areas of focus for this thesis include the early Māori tours of 1908 and 1909, the development of the New Zealand Māori Rugby League as an independent entity separate from the New Zealand Rugby League and the contemporary influences of Māori on rugby league. This thesis will show that the early Māori tours were crucial to the development of Australian, New Zealand and, to an extent, British rugby league. It will also provide insight in to the inclusive nature of rugby league through the inclusion of Māori initiatives such as the development of a Māori Rugby League. The final section of this thesis will draw on the contemporary influence that Māori have on the sport through an examination of player migration and how Māori have emerged as a ‘donor culture’ providing high numbers of elite athletes to the world’s premier rugby league competitions. It can be argued that the mobility of Māori, in the form of touring teams and migrant players, has sustained the sport internationally while paradoxically, and simultaneously, depleting the game domestically. In this account Māori emerge, not as an appendix in a history of the game but rather as a crucial donor culture for the establishment and continued success of rugby league.

Photocopy of typescript. / Bibliography: p. 306-311. / xiv, 311 leaves ill. 29 cm

Summary: In the last two decades, the development of New Zealand prehistory has seen a movement away from a strong emphasis on archaeology to a growing concern with synthesis and theory. One aspect of this has been the prolonged discussion of the cultural status of the New Zealand Maori during the �Classic Maori Phase�. In part this was stimulated by an increase in knowledge of the earlier Archaic period (Duff, 1956:73-82). It was also influenced by a widespread interest in the records of early voyagers and travellers encouraged by the wealth of new editions available (for example, the Beaglehole editions of the journals of Cook and Banks). The inadequacies of the archaeological assemblages belonging to this phase were acknowledged at the Second Annual Conference of the New Zealand Archaeological Association (Golson, 1957:279). Consequently, many prehistorians began to regard these records as supplementary information. Observations made by Europeans, as visitors or residents in New Zealand were compiled in order to delineate the differences between the earlier and later phases of New Zealand prehistory (Golson, 1957:279-280; Golson and Gathercole, 1962:271). The past seven years have been seen a marked upsurge of interest in the precise details of culture contact between European and Maori during the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. This period of initial contact was named the �protohistoric� period of Maori culture in line with the terminology adopted overseas (Golson and Gathercole, 1962:173). The French, who differentiated between the prehistoric period when writing was non-existent, and the historic period when cultural developments could be studied with the aid of written documents, introduced the term �protohistoric� to mark the early historic period when written documents were occasionally produced, but not on a universal scale (Hawkes, 1951: 1, 3)--Chapter One.

The chief argument of this study of major reforms within Maori schools is that while their curriculum was updated and morale restored, all educational developments were predicated upon the Maori people remaining a rural, dependent people. In the background to schooling changes were two expressions of nationalism within New Zealand: Attempts of the Dominion, at an official level, to assert its independence, moves made more urgent by the Depression, and secondly, the growing sense of the Maori people of their racial and cultural heritage. These significant changes were joined by a clutch of moves which propelled the Maori people into the national economy. The chief architects of schooling changes would have considered their work made a major break with the past. In reality it continued a tradition embedded in the nineteenth century in which education was regarded as a means of social control. As such, this paternalistic stance originated from British colonial theory, and from the purposes defined for education of the so-called lower classes. Partial reinterpretations of the tradition emerged in the growing practice of setting aside reserves for native education, from E G Wakefield�s theories, and the highly influential stance of John Thornton, Headmaster of Te Aute Collage. In a theory novel for the nineteenth century, Thornton held that Maoris should be so educated that they might fill any job or profession. Douglas Ball, appointed Inspector in 1928, was a domineering presence within Maori Schools. The substantial support of unique, creative government projects to make productive farms of Maori traditional lands were joined to Ball�s promotion of the tenets of Progrssive Education, and the then-novel introduction of Maoritanga in the curricululum. Education and social philosophies so espoused were derivative; the former from the �child-centredness� of Progressive Education, the latter, from the late colonial theory of adaptionism. Schooling renewal and land development attracted bi-partisan support. Ball received further support from international colleagues. It was the demise of the Proficiency Examinaton, however, that enabled education to be pressed into a vocational pattern, and with it, moves to link school and community. This renewal received limited challenge until officials pressed for reforms and expansion of secondary education on a vocational basis. Pressure on Denominational Schools to virtually abandon academic courses was exceedingly unpopular, as were the turns the development of the Native District High Schools took: Maori families had become aware that a good life on the land was not possible for all. They also felt the vocational slant was an insult to Maori aspiration for better jobs and recognized status within New Zealand. Maori opposition to this form of education was an appropriate response to its limitations. This study concludes, however, given the paucity of articulate critics a no-contest situation emerged in face of strongly-held stereotypes and the bureaucratic vigour of an Education Department bent on implementing �progressive� policies.

Summary: Chapter 1. Cultural continuity and the archaeologist's use of ethnographic analogy. There can be no doubt of the usefulness to New Zealand archaeologists of the confident knowledge that only Polynesians occupied this country, and that they did so for only a comparatively short time. While arguments for Melanesian or Western Polynesian cultural influence, or even a three or four thousand year time span may be noted, the widely held view of cultural continuity and a date for initial settlement perhaps a little more than a thousand years ago, is of crucial importance to the way archaeologists in this country view their primary information. This thesis explores the implications of the �confidence in the continuity of culture� by employing the �direct historical� ethnographic analogy. In addition, this work is also concerned with the �general comparative� ethnographic analogy. The difference between the terms �direct historical� and �general comparative� is significant not only for the variety of methods employed, but also because of the distinctiveness of their limitations. The �direct historical� analogy can be used only when there is demonstrable or assumed direct cultural continuity between archaeological information - the prehistoric group - and the ethnographic analogue. �General comparative� analogy draws upon a wide variety of cultural and behavioural models to generate hypotheses and interpretations of value to the archaeologist. Ascher (1961) restricts his �new analogy� to those archaeological areas for which historical continuity to the ethnographic present cannot be demonstrated. It is clear, however, that the concept of the general comparative analogy is more useful: it is frequently valuable to draw on a wide range of ethnographic observations and generalisations to reinforce particular historical analogues, and to offer interpretations for archaeological data for which there is no direct ethnographic insight. The problems of ethnographic analogy have recently come under some scrutiny. This examination involves what is perhaps the central methodological and theoretical issue for archaeology: the relation of excavated data to whatever model or framework is used in interpretation. A major result of this new look at the ethnographic analogy is the recognition that ethnographic observations do not provide the only source of interpretative hypotheses. A more eclectic approach is now favoured and ecology and the behavioural sciences are explored for insight into archaeological data, while systems theory and other frameworks are used in analysis. For example, Anderson (1973) uses a competition model developed by ecologists to explain changes in size frequency and species composition in four stratified midden sites. Clearly the notion that archaeology depends on ethnographic analogy for interpretation is no longer tenable. None the less, ethnographic analogy does remain the most important single source of interpretative models for archaeology...

The concept of similarity has occupied a key position in the interpretation of archaeological evidence since Thomson�s Three Age System was formulated (Thomsen, 1836). Indeed, the writing of prehistory demands the use of this concept in relating evidence from stratigraphically distant horizons. Taylor, however, not only argued that too much emphasis could be placed on this comparative approach, but also claimed that it could be detrimental to the full recovery of archaeological information (W.W. Taylor, 1948). A similar dissatisfaction in Britain prompted Clark (1964, 1966, 1967) to adopt a �conjunctive approach� (W.W. Taylor, 1948:7) exemplified in their work as economic prehistorians. This reappraisal however, has increased rather than diminished the need for procedured designed to relate assemblages in cultural terms. While the development of methods of analysis which assess the similarity between comparable items of different assemblages proceeds, it is stressed that sound theoretical principles, whereby the results of such analyses may be interpreted in the most plausible manner, must be adopted. Indeed it is urged that the common assumption that the degree of cultural similarity is directly proportional to the formal similarity, is by no means universally valid. Considerable advances have recently been made in developing techniques to identify formal relationships by establishing the degree of �proximity� between different assemblages of information. The ancillary problem of interpreting results in cultural terms has received relatively less attention. This dissertation considers the application of methods of �proximity� analysis to specific New Zealand assemblages, together with a discussion of the problems encountered in interpretation. The general implications of this research for prehistoric studies will also be considered--Introduction.

Marae have a place in contemporary Aotearoa New Zealand that is vital to Maori culture, as well as for all peoples of this land. Maori cultural precepts intrinsically abound with notions of the importance of marae for the transmission of that culture. Marae are places of refuge and learning where the active expression of Maori culture is most obvious. Tendrils of tradition incorporated with contemporary nuances reach out to enfold those whom these places and spaces nurture and embrace. While these ideals may not always find articulation in reality, their presence at the least provides a foundation centuries old on which to build pathways in the present and into the future. Awataha Marae is an urban marae based on Auckland?s North Shore. The history of Awataha is situated within the latest of three Renaissance Periods in which there was an upsurge in Maori culture. These Renaissance Periods were about resistance to the impositions of another culture, reclamation of part of what had been lost through colonisation, and rejuvenation of people and culture. Renaissance Period Three, in which Awataha arose, also has connections to the efforts of indigenous peoples worldwide in their endeavours to forge self determining processes for themselves, including those of conducting research that was for their benefit and purposes, rather than for those of others. Following the development of marae from pre-contact to the present day also illuminates the context within which Awataha was formed. From its beginnings as the space in front of the chief?s house where the village members gathered and where relationships were negotiated, marae today are complexes of buildings that reflect the necessities of the society that surrounds them, as well as the desire of the people to retain Maori culture in its most fundamental form. Urban marae have arisen to fulfil those desires for Maori in urban contexts, often separated from their rural homelands and for many, from their cultural heritage. Following changes in the ways in which wharenui were decorated and embellished also provides evidence of the ways in which Maori consciously innovated culture in order to endure in the new world.

Zugl.: Graz, Univ., Diplomarbeit S. Knöbl, M. Kravanja