The life of the pre-European Maori consisted of subsistence strategies ranging from hunter-gatherer to horticultural activities. The femur of both sexes is generally characterised by a flattened proximal shaft rotated inward, and by a short, markedly bowed, robust diaphysis. Femoral rugosity denotes the attachment of relatively great thigh musculature which, in turn, is an indicator of the levels of physical activity associated with the subsistence strategies undertaken. The femoral neck and head is distinguished from contemporary populations and those of comparative subsistence strategies by a larger anterior offset (anteversion) and greater horizontal inclination (Coxa valga). In addition to consistently large femoral anteversion, the femoral head is denoted by a broad, horizontally oval insertion for the ligament of the head (fovea). These external morphological traits are such consistent features within the femur they represent racial attributes of the pre-European Maori population. The femoral morphology of the pre-European Maori has been described by earlier researchers dating back 109 years to 1886. However, there have been limited functional evaluations of the external traits, in particular, how traits are associated with respect to each other. To resolve these limitations and determine a biological basis to femoral morphology a comprehensive analysis of external traits from the femur and pelvis is combined with the biomechanical properties of geometric profiles at six cross-sectional levels of the diaphysis. From six major regions within New Zealand a total of 107 pooled femora in three catalogued �series� were measured, of these 52 are male and 55 female, and there are 22 pairs (11 male pairs, 11 female pairs). The external traits measured comprise articular areas, femoral angles, diaphyseal dimensions, and anterior shaft curvature. In addition, pelvic dimensions for matching femora are recorded. Cross-sectional parameters derived from profile areas and second moments of area provide information on compressive strength, and bending rigidities and orientation at each cross-sectional level. Statistical methods employed are univariate F-ratios and Student�s t-test, bivariate correlation coefficients, and multivariate principal components, discriminant function, and linear regression. In this study of the pre-European Maori it is suggested that the normal developmental changes in femoral angles are prevented by extrinsic mechanical influences, such as habitual posture, high levels of physical activity, and greater musculature that alter growth plate morphogenesis. Femoral angles are �set� on epiphyseal fusion and have limited ability to remodel. The femoral diaphysis in the adult undergoes continual remodelling at the periosteal and endosteal surfaces and provides adaptive plasticity to mechanical loading at the hip and knee. Results indicate differences in absolute and relative values of external and cross-sectional traits that indicate mechanical loading patterns specific to each sex. Functional interpretation of inter-trait associations suggests that; 1) associations between external traits indicate the functional effect of growth and development on femoral size and shape characteristics. 2) Associations within cross-sectional parameters show relationships between appositional remodelling activity and structural strength. 3) Associations between external and internal traits indicate the importance of mechanical loading patterns established during growth and adulthood to final femoral morphology and subsequently to adaptive remodelling of the adult shaft.

This study is an archaeological examination of the prehistoric hunting of moa, a family (Dinornithidae) of now extinct large flightless birds that inhabited New Zealand. The analysis employs a detailed butchering pattern analysis for the moa remains and combines it with a lithic usewear microchipping and polish analysis. The usewear analysis examines two lithic materials, porcellanite and silcrete. The criteria used to distinguish worked material in the usewear study. The general patterns of moa exploitation and butchering are defined in a faunal analysis of moa remains from sites from throughout New Zealand. Hunting strategies are examined in a case study of the Clutha River area of southern New Zealand, by interpreting the results of the butchering pattern analysis in combination with the usewear analysis results and some of the general aspects of site type and location. It is concluded that moa were hunted by an individual hunting strategy, probably with wooden spears. Hunting was done from habitation sites, not from temporary camps established from base camps. Hunting did not specialise in any one particular moa species. In addition to meat, bone marrow was also particular moa species. In addition to meat, bone marrow was also extracted and eaten. No evidence of meat preservation was found. The results correspond well with expectations based on analogies from traditional hunting of other large birds and in east Polynesia, suggesting the methodology is reliable for studying hunting and could be applied elsewhere. The study also includes an examination of bone anatomical landmarks as a means to identifying moa species. The hypothesised significance of the variation in these traits is used to make suggestions about possible moa behaviour. It is suggested that Megalapteryx didinus was more awkward than the other moa, that Anomalopteryx didiformis may have had a diet more similar to that of the kiwi than to that of the other moa, and that Dinornis species may have balanced their centre of gravity differently from other moa. Based on the manner in which moa were hunted, it is proposed that moa did not congregate in large flocks.

Low stone rows and alignments were reported as early as 1904 on the coastal platform of eastern Palliser Bay. In all subsequent references it was assumed that the features were horticultural and, on the grounds of their appearance, of considereable age. Methodical investigation of these claims within the context of a three year archaeological programme (1969-1972) including analysis of prehistoric settlements, economy, and physical anthropology, was regarded as a worthwhile project, since orthodox opinion at the time favoured a later introduction of Polynesian horticulture some centuries after initial settlement of New Zealand about the 9th century AD. Extensive field surveys showed that at least 93ha of the coastal platform between Whatarangi and Cape Palliser had been subject to stone clearance according to several simple principles, such as equal access to the best soils, maintenance of a rectilinear system, and the clear separation of individual plots with boundary markers and paths. In addition, excavations conducted within the major complexes revealed artiificial deepening of the prehistoric topsoil, frequent incorporation of wood charcoal, rare addition of beach gravel, and inclusion of domestic refuse where the walls were adjacent to coastal villages. Both radio-carbon dates and artefacts found in association with the stone structures indicate early establishment of horticulture on this coast by the 12th century AD with an apparent peak of activity and complexity of garden system before the beginning of the 15th century, followed by decline and virtual abandonment. Climatic conditions prevailing in Palliser Bay today preclude cultivation of all Polynesian cultigens except the kumara (Ipomoea batatas) and gourd (Lagenaria siceraria). It is now accepted that mean annual temperature at the time of settlement was 1� - 2�C higher. Even so, growing season length and rainfall would probably not have been adequate for crops such as taro or yam. Within New Zealand, the kumara gardens of Palliser Bay find close parallels on both sides of Cook Strait, and on the eastern coast of the Wairarapa. Similar principles of garden layout applied in the larger Auckland wall complexes, and in 18th century gardens north of Hawkes Bay. From a survey of tropical Polynesian garden structures it appears that an extensive repertoire of horticultural techniques was introduced by the first settlers to temperate New Zealand and despite the loss of variety in cultigens it persisted until the 18th century as a viable means of subsistence.

This thesis is an epidemiological study of coronary heart disease (CHD) in New Zealand Maoris. Data from both cross-sectional and longitudinal surveys of defined populations are analysed. The prevalence and incidence of CHD are defined, the relationship between CHD and the standard risk factors are examined and the prognosis of CHD presented. Racial comparisons provide a valuable means of studing the epidemiology of CHD, as marked variation in the occurrence of CHD may occur in different races living in close proximity. Comparisons of New Zealand national mortality data do in fact indicate that the New Zealand Maori, especially the Maori female, is of relatively high risk of dying from CHD. This high risk status is in marked contrast to that of other Polynesian groups living more traditionally in which CHD is virtually unknown. Moreover, the high risk status of the New Zealand Maori would not have been predicted from a knowledge of their risk factor status. These two points, the high risk status of the Maori and their atypical risk factor pattern, provide the justification for this attempt to learn more about the occurrence and causation of CHD in New Zealand Maoris.

A programme of archaeological research was undertaken in the Wairarapa region on the northern shores of Cook Strait, New Zealand. Some 27 excavations conducted during a 3 year period were designed primarily to examine prehistoric economy and settlement pattern in the region. In addition, studies were made of early historical records of Maori life, Maori traditional history, and aspects of the modern and prehistoric enviroment. In the analysis of excavated material, particular attention was given to physical anthropology, subsistence economy, and the trading patterns revealed by the importation of a number of rock types from elsewhere in New Zealand. It was found that human occupation in Palliser Bay was most intense from about 1150AD to 1400AD, and that significant depopulation may have occurred by 1650AD. At least 6 kinship linked communities were resident in this early period, probably originating from further north. Over several centuries thay strengthened their social ties with other communities in Cook Strait, progressively losing contact with northern areas. A conjunctive picture is reconstructed of a typical community of 30 to 40 people, and aspects of their physical condition, economy, technology, settlement pattern, external social relationships and ideology described. Their economy was initially a balance between hunter-gatherer pursuits and kumara-based horticulture, but in the course of time their forest clearing activities set into motion a series of episodes of erosion which culminated in the development of broad shingle river beds and active fans. High riverine sediment loads led to the loss of much of the local marine fauna at river mouths. A general climatic deterioration about 1450AD and then from 1600 onwards accelerated this process to render the enviroment largely unsuitable to Polynesian habitation. It is argued that coupled to these changes are settlement pattern modifications and an increase in human disease and malnutrition.

Field archaeology is the study of surface features of archaeological sites (Crawford 1960: 36). It is concerned not only with the location of sites for excavation, but with their distributions and relationships in time and space. A sequence of field monuments in an area can be difficult to reconstruct, as the information necessary for dating of sites may be not be obtainable from interpretation of surface features alone. The landscape, on which human activities may leave visible traces, is palimpsestic (ibid: 51) : human activity may erase previous traces, or merely add to them. Superposition of remains, resulting from the continued occupation of a particular location, may not necessarily leave visible traces, and if it does, the traces may represent an accumulation of activities, or the remains of only the most recent. A landscape may include sites representing human occupation at different times in the past. The survival of traces of activity as archaeological surface features depends on the extent to which natural features of the landscape are permanently modified. The recognition of these traces depends on the ability of the field archaeologist to interpret the landscape. The geographical context of archaeological sites is the present-day landscape, but study of the site necessitates consideration both of this context and also of environmental features obtaining at the time the site was occupied. Reconstruction and interpretation of both landscape and site are necessary: the site, once the human activity leading to its recognition by the field archaeologist has ceased, is subject to the same agents of change as the landscape. The interpretation of archaeological sites rests chiefly on excavation. Once a type of site has been examined throughly by excavation, the resulting interpretations may be transferred to other similar, but unexcavated sites. Such inferences can be very specific, or quite general. Frequently the surface form of a site gives little indication of whether predictable or exceptional features will be found on excavation-- Chapter One.

Summary: It is widely accepted that it is impossible to write prehistory on the basis of the results of archaeological excavation alone. Whether the aims of prehistoric re-construction are to write the �anthropology of dead peoples� (Heizer and Graham, 1967), or to explore the dynamics of culture history (Chang, 1967), such re-construction necessitates the use of additional non-archaeological data. Although some disagreement exists over the most salutory means of applying the results of research in the social and natural sciences, there is little doubt that prehistory benefits from the association. This dissertation, which was undertaken to assess the role of supplementary data in New Zealand prehistoric research, employs two types of non-archaeological evidence: ethnographical-historical data, and methods for assessing subsistence activities from scientific data. These involve not only a study of relevant written records, but also of regional and seasonal distribution of food resources.

Summary: It is the object of this essay to present a survey of public opinion respecting native policy in the year prior to the outbreak of the first Taranaki war. As European New Zealanders were in 1859 experiencing their third year of Responsible Government, the tone of public opinion is of particular interest, for theoretically the widely enfranchised public had it in their power to influence official policy by their votes. Although the field of Responsible Government did not, in theory, extend to Native Affairs, in practice this limitation was by no means absolute. Gore Browne�s power of ultimate decision was considerably modified by his avowed ignorance of Maori language, character, and customs; and by his dependence on the representative Assembly for funds to execute a positive native policy. He thus relied heavily on the Staff of the Native Department to supply his former deficiency; and agreed to allow a responsible minister to advise him on Native Affairs. This system in practice prevented the formulation and execution of a positive native policy, and involved a dangerous opportunity for irresponsible action. The equivocal nature of responsibility for native affairs was also a handicap to the development of public opinion, which was unable to concentrate on a supreme source of effective authority. For these reasons, the essay will contain particular reference to the question of divided responsibility.

The Maori and the Missionary before 1840. At the time of the British annexation of New Zealand, there existed no optimistic section of opinion in Britain as to the effect of European colonization on aboriginal races. Experience had showed that colonization of areas of the globe occupied by native races inevitably brought the disintergration, and eventual extinction even, of the original barbarous inhabitants. Humanitarian sentiment was strong in England especially in the Colonial Office itself, and humanitarianism was not linked with enthusiasm to extend the British sphere to lands already occupied by the coloured. Missionary activity in such areas was favoured by the authorities, - there was no opposition to any plan to civilize the pagan, but there was no desire to assume official responsibility for such activities. It has never been disputed that the assumption of sovereignty in New Zealand was forced upon the British Government by the precipitate actions of the New Zealand Company, and that the Colonial Office would have been content to allow the missionaries to continue with their task undisturbed. But when annexation became inevitable, the missionary activities in the country were taken into account; the Imperial Government accepted responsibility with the intention of protecting the natives from the designs of Europeans. This fact was to bear important results for the future of the aboriginal inhabitants of New Zealand. It has been maintained that the Maori race was in itself sufficiently aggressive and proud to have withstood the inevitable process of decay and extinction when faced by the European colonization of its country. Whether this would have been so or not, was not to be tested, but certainly there was no precedent set for such a romantic view. The Maori was to vindicate himself and to maintain his position in spite of the white flood that flowed in upon him in overwhelming numbers. That this was so was largely due not to maintain his place as a force to be reckoned with, but to the missionaries in his midst, who had prepared him for the adjustment to the Pakeha system, and who remained the protectors of his rights after British colonization was established.

Summary: Although the study of nutrition during the last forty years has received considerable attention, there are still fields of the science about which our knowledge is very incomplete. In this country, in particular, there is little information even about the gross chemical composition of our foodstuffs -- a subject which must surely form the basis of any dietry constituents present in foods is of value to anyone concerned with the planning of accurate diets, or the investigation of the nutritional status of a community. It is well known that the figures, even for carbohydrate, protein and fat, compiled by workers in different parts of the world, vary widely. In accurate work it would therefore be incorrect to use such figures which were compiled in another country. This must necessarily occur in New Zealand because at present no complete and systematic analysis of our foods had been made, and hence there are no comprehensive tables. Further-more, there are many native products for which there are neither comparable overseas figures nor any New Zealand analyses of constituents--Introduction.