Summary: The name of Dr. Edward Shortland is intimately associated with the early efforts of the New Zealand government to establish friendly relations with the Maoris, and the difficulties which faced him in this respect can be more readily understood after a reference to the general situation in the country in 1840, the year preceding Shortland�s arrival. A sketch of the 1840 situation must take into account first of all the population, both native and European, with reference also to the numerically small but otherwise powerful and influential �Pakeha-Maoris�; it must involve too, some explanation of the missionaries and their work, the extent to which thay had civilized the Maoris, and their general influence over the natives and their mode of life. The land question must also be considered, for it was to become the source of practically all the later trouble, and Shortland, in his capacity as sub-Protector of the Aborigines, found himself involved in numerous and intricate negotiations on this delicate subject.

Summary: An Elders View Ka hoki ano waku korero nei na i runga i nga raputanga i haramai tatou ko te iwi whenua e korerotia ai tona korero i haramai i Hawaikiroa i Hawaikinui i Hawaiki pamamao. Kei hea tenei wahi? Ka rapu te matauranga. I haramai tatou no tehea wahi? Kare kau i kitea e ratou. E kore e kitea. E kore e kitea e ratau na te mea ko taua i haere wairua mai ka hoki wairua taua. I now return to what has been said that we the original people came to this land from Long Hawaiki, from the Great Hawaiki, and from Distant Hawaiki. Where are these places? The learned have searched. From which place did we come from? They will never find it because we came in spirit and we return in spirit. (Chapter 2). A Pakeha View I tell the story as I see it and people can read my material if they wish to but if they don�t then that is their problem. The trouble with New Zealanders is that they do not care about archaeology. The Maoris are the worst offenders. Their attitude is one of indifference, they couldn�t care less. When I have excavated on Maori land I have contacted the Maori organisations concerned and I have invited them to come along and observe what is being done because after all it is their history that I am digging up. However the decision is not really for the Maori to decide when I am working on Pakeha land, and anyway the land does not belong to the Maori, it belongs to all. I admit that I am sorry that archaeologists destroy sites but they do record them in their books. (Chapter 6)--Preface.

Inaug.-diss.--Hamburg. / Lebenslauf. "Literatur": p. 94-96.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Chicago, Dept. of Anthropology, August 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. Also available on the Internet.

This thesis draws together three strands for analysis: the social, political and historical narrative of race-relations, which has framed Måori subjectivity in the 20th and early 21st century. The themes identified are namely, the politics of representation of Måori subjectivity from extinction, to assimilation and then to biculturalism in film in eight New Zealand films: Rewi’s Last Stand (1925/40), Broken Barrier (1952), To Love a Maori (1972), Utu (1983), Ngati (1987), Mauri (1988), Once Were Warriors (1994) and Whale Rider (2002). While this claim has its roots in some of the earlier New Zealand films, the primary area of analysis will be upon the fundamental shift from 1985 onwards on the representation and interpretation of Måori subjectivity. It is argued that this fundamental shift is influenced by two significant developments in the New Zealand context: namely the Treaty of Waitangi settlement process and the State’s adoption of the socio-political ideology of biculturalism in which to theorise race-relations.

Since early European settlement of Aotearoa New Zealand Māori children have been constructed as deficient learners in the education system, and this construction continues to undermine their learning at school today (Butchers, 1930; Macfarlane, 2005; Ministry of Education, 1998, 2005). Educational assessment practices have largely contributed to this discourse, because they reflect western ideologies regarding the reasons for testing, who does the testing, what counts as important to test, how results are interpreted and so on (Bishop & Glynn, 1999). Further, the tests used have been developed with monolingual and monocultural European children. Reading acquisition and language development have been implicated as major learning deficits for Māori children (Crooks & Flockton, 2005; Ministry of Education, 2006; Wagemaker, 1992). And a body of research signals that the reading related language skills for phonological awareness and narrative ability are linked to reading acquisition for English (Adams, 1990; Botting, 2002; Rollins, McCabe & Bliss, 2000). My research is an enquiry into how Māori children respond to reading related language assessments for narratives and phonological awareness, taking into account their lived experiences and cultural practices. My aim is to create possibilities for alternative discourses to the deficit discourse. With support from a local Kaumātua and school whānau I worked as a participant-observer in two classrooms in two schools for one year, following 17 Māori children. Critical theory, socio cultural theory and Kaupapa Māori theory informed my position. The techniques I used to approach my research practice and analyse my data reflect the influence of these frames as I understand and interpret them. Throughout the year of field work, I undertook a range of activities, including conversations with parents, children and school personnel, observations of class 'lessons' and the teaching strategies used by the teacher, visits to the children's homes, collection of school records, and administration of assessments related to reading, narrative tasks, and phonological awareness according to a standardized English test, the Preschool and Primary Inventory of Phonological Awareness (PIPA) (Dodd, Crosbie, MacIntosh, Teitzel & Ozanne, 2000) and a specifically designed set of Māori language tasks. I used video and audio recording for some activities, and wrote my observation notes while observing or immediately following an event or session. My findings showed that the home and school contexts for the children were largely bicultural and bilingual. The children were living their lives in ways vastly different to monolingual and moncultural Pākehā (European) children. Those who had been at school for approximately five years were reading at or above their age, in line with traditional reading norms, despite showing relatively poor phonological awareness skills determined by the 'standard' test procedures. The 'standard' testing process for both phonological awareness and narrative ability presented most of the children as language deficient and in need of intervention, or at least in need of ongoing monitoring. However, my analyses driven from the theoretical frames mentioned above presented the children with language strengths and difference. These children were clearly able, achieving learners. My study highlighted the fact that the bilingual and bicultural knowledge and skills of Māori children are not valued in the predominantly monolingual and mono-cultural education system, and this has serious implications for their learning and for perpetuating the cycle of deficiency construction because the children are seen not to meet the requirements of the system and its assessment protocols. Further, regardless of phonological awareness and narrative 'ability', by the time Māori children have been at school for a period of time, approximately five years, they are able to read English and understand the written text. This finding questions the relevance of the salience generally attributed to phonological awareness as a crucial building block for bilingual children who are proficient in or exposed to a non-alphabetic language, such as te reo Māori. I argue that the assessments used in schools are inappropriate for bilingual and bicultural Māori children. When the children's language skills were analysed using alternative systems to the 'standard' methods prevalent in schools, they were able and achieving learners. They were not learners 'at-risk' but learners 'at-promise', to use Tabachnick and Bloch's terms (1995). This study provides empirical evidence that bilingual and bicultural Māori children's learning needs are not met by the current school system. Continued research in this area will strengthen the necessity for changes to be made in the education system, changes that are sensitive to, and value, linguistic and cultural difference in the classroom. In the areas of pre-service teacher and speech-language therapist education, and ongoing professional development for educationalists, linguistic and cultural differences need to be presented afresh. Educational assessment practices must change to recognise learning strengths of Māori children and to stop the perpetuation of deficiency constructions. Schools have to be willing to understand more fully the home contexts of their students and to engage in teaching practices that are cognizant of their cultural and linguistic backgrounds. Without such fundamental changes in our view of the cultural and linguistic strengths of Māori children, very little real change can occur despite lofty words and plethora of strategies and policies.

This analysis uses the term mana as a lens to interrogate a regionally diverse range of Māori lore texts. It will be seen that categories of human-nature, natural-supernatural are often permeable in Māori lore because of the agency provided by mana. This permeability is transcendental unity which destabilizes the notion that humans are fully distinct from their environment. Transcendental unity is expressed in Māori lore through changes in states of being or planes of existence, biological-environmental metaphoric equivalences, and metaphysical spheres of reciprocal influence. I argue relations between humans and the non-human environment involve genealogical ties, are mediated by mana, and suggest a transcendental form of unity characterized by common essence and characteristics. / Graduate

No description available.

The life of the pre-European Maori consisted of subsistence strategies ranging from hunter-gatherer to horticultural activities. The femur of both sexes is generally characterised by a flattened proximal shaft rotated inward, and by a short, markedly bowed, robust diaphysis. Femoral rugosity denotes the attachment of relatively great thigh musculature which, in turn, is an indicator of the levels of physical activity associated with the subsistence strategies undertaken. The femoral neck and head is distinguished from contemporary populations and those of comparative subsistence strategies by a larger anterior offset (anteversion) and greater horizontal inclination (Coxa valga). In addition to consistently large femoral anteversion, the femoral head is denoted by a broad, horizontally oval insertion for the ligament of the head (fovea). These external morphological traits are such consistent features within the femur they represent racial attributes of the pre-European Maori population. The femoral morphology of the pre-European Maori has been described by earlier researchers dating back 109 years to 1886. However, there have been limited functional evaluations of the external traits, in particular, how traits are associated with respect to each other. To resolve these limitations and determine a biological basis to femoral morphology a comprehensive analysis of external traits from the femur and pelvis is combined with the biomechanical properties of geometric profiles at six cross-sectional levels of the diaphysis. From six major regions within New Zealand a total of 107 pooled femora in three catalogued �series� were measured, of these 52 are male and 55 female, and there are 22 pairs (11 male pairs, 11 female pairs). The external traits measured comprise articular areas, femoral angles, diaphyseal dimensions, and anterior shaft curvature. In addition, pelvic dimensions for matching femora are recorded. Cross-sectional parameters derived from profile areas and second moments of area provide information on compressive strength, and bending rigidities and orientation at each cross-sectional level. Statistical methods employed are univariate F-ratios and Student�s t-test, bivariate correlation coefficients, and multivariate principal components, discriminant function, and linear regression. In this study of the pre-European Maori it is suggested that the normal developmental changes in femoral angles are prevented by extrinsic mechanical influences, such as habitual posture, high levels of physical activity, and greater musculature that alter growth plate morphogenesis. Femoral angles are �set� on epiphyseal fusion and have limited ability to remodel. The femoral diaphysis in the adult undergoes continual remodelling at the periosteal and endosteal surfaces and provides adaptive plasticity to mechanical loading at the hip and knee. Results indicate differences in absolute and relative values of external and cross-sectional traits that indicate mechanical loading patterns specific to each sex. Functional interpretation of inter-trait associations suggests that; 1) associations between external traits indicate the functional effect of growth and development on femoral size and shape characteristics. 2) Associations within cross-sectional parameters show relationships between appositional remodelling activity and structural strength. 3) Associations between external and internal traits indicate the importance of mechanical loading patterns established during growth and adulthood to final femoral morphology and subsequently to adaptive remodelling of the adult shaft.

Low stone rows and alignments were reported as early as 1904 on the coastal platform of eastern Palliser Bay. In all subsequent references it was assumed that the features were horticultural and, on the grounds of their appearance, of considereable age. Methodical investigation of these claims within the context of a three year archaeological programme (1969-1972) including analysis of prehistoric settlements, economy, and physical anthropology, was regarded as a worthwhile project, since orthodox opinion at the time favoured a later introduction of Polynesian horticulture some centuries after initial settlement of New Zealand about the 9th century AD. Extensive field surveys showed that at least 93ha of the coastal platform between Whatarangi and Cape Palliser had been subject to stone clearance according to several simple principles, such as equal access to the best soils, maintenance of a rectilinear system, and the clear separation of individual plots with boundary markers and paths. In addition, excavations conducted within the major complexes revealed artiificial deepening of the prehistoric topsoil, frequent incorporation of wood charcoal, rare addition of beach gravel, and inclusion of domestic refuse where the walls were adjacent to coastal villages. Both radio-carbon dates and artefacts found in association with the stone structures indicate early establishment of horticulture on this coast by the 12th century AD with an apparent peak of activity and complexity of garden system before the beginning of the 15th century, followed by decline and virtual abandonment. Climatic conditions prevailing in Palliser Bay today preclude cultivation of all Polynesian cultigens except the kumara (Ipomoea batatas) and gourd (Lagenaria siceraria). It is now accepted that mean annual temperature at the time of settlement was 1� - 2�C higher. Even so, growing season length and rainfall would probably not have been adequate for crops such as taro or yam. Within New Zealand, the kumara gardens of Palliser Bay find close parallels on both sides of Cook Strait, and on the eastern coast of the Wairarapa. Similar principles of garden layout applied in the larger Auckland wall complexes, and in 18th century gardens north of Hawkes Bay. From a survey of tropical Polynesian garden structures it appears that an extensive repertoire of horticultural techniques was introduced by the first settlers to temperate New Zealand and despite the loss of variety in cultigens it persisted until the 18th century as a viable means of subsistence.