Abstract The present paper discusses mental violence on the basis of empirical narrations submitted by health-care employees and students. The general belief is that people who work or study in the health care sector are aware of the nature of mental violence – guided by ethic principles, their education and the requirements of health care professions – and recognize its impact on people's lives and health, work and studying. However, surveys indicate that mental violence occurs in health care communities between the patient and the professional helper and between staff members. This investigation falls in a category between nursing science and feministic research and features a narrative approach. In the theory section, I will discuss terms closely connected with mental violence and earlier investigations on that particular topic. I will also define what is meant with mental violence in this paper. The research material was collected at two stages in 2002–2006. The material for the first stage consisted of 32 letters from health-care employees and students, while that for the second stage was collected through discussions with those narrators who had given their consent and contact details in their letters. Analysed letters and interviews produced a total of 482 pages of text. At first I analysed the original empirical narrations of mental violence by applying parts of Labov's (1982) structural analysis, which were orientation, method, evaluation and solution. In this way the narrations could be reduced to the level of core narrations specific to individual and community. The individual-specific core narrations comprised the Narration of vulnerability, Narration of enthusiasm, Narration of questioning routines, Narration of being a newcomer, Narration of leadership and Narration of awareness, and the community-specific core narrations the Narration of a fatigued work community and Narration of work community as the victim of mental violence. I then analysed the individual-specific and community-specific core narrations by means of the Categorical-Content method, drawing up a complete narration of mental violence. The analysis involved two stages, of which the first involved formulating four narrations from the core narrations by means of the Categorical-Content method. The names of the narrations are the Narration of the arousing of mental violence, Narration of the means of mental violence, Narration of the consequences of mental violence and Narration of recovery from mental violence. On the basis of the above narrations, I then compiled stories connected with their contents by means of the Categorical-Content analysis method. The core narrations, specific to individual and community, account for the narrations that the persons participating in the research considered to be of significance to themselves. The complete narration of mental violence that I formed using the Categorical-Content analysis method represents general knowledge of the empirical narrations of mental violence written or told by the participating health-care employees and students. According to the complete narration, mental violence develops in communities where the conditions favouring mental violence are hierarchical structures, their negative bureaucratic operation and management methods, and economic recession and its consequences. Favourable conditions also include changes in community values. In conditions of this kind, the victims of mental violence, persons resorting to mental violence and those assisting in it make up a problematic system of interaction. Together they can exhaust the victim of mental violence and cause the feeling of complete fatigue and burnout, from which it is difficult yet possible to recover. For people fatigued by mental violence, recovery means efforts to reach a new beginning in life, regaining of life and loss of life. / Tiivistelmä Tutkimuksessani kuvaan psyykkistä väkivaltaa terveydenhuollon työntekijöiden ja opiskelijoiden kokemuksellisten kertomusten avulla. Terveydenhuollon työ- ja opiskeluyhteisöissä toimivien ihmisten uskotaan eettisten periaatteiden ohjaamina, koulutuksensa ja terveydenhuollon ammattien harjoittamisessa edellytettävien vaatimusten perusteella olevan tietoisia psyykkisen väkivallan luonteesta ja sen merkityksestä ihmisen elämään ja terveyteen, työntekoon ja opiskeluun. Tutkimukset osoittavat kuitenkin, että terveydenhuollon yhteisöissä ilmenee psyykkistä väkivaltaa sekä potilaan ja ammattiauttajan välisessä että henkilökunnan keskinäisessä vuorovaikutuksessa. Tutkimus sijoittuu hoitotieteen ja naistutkimuksen välimaastoon ja sen lähestymistapa on narratiivinen. Tarkastelen teoriaosassa psyykkisen väkivallan lähikäsitteitä ja aikaisempia tutkimuksia siitä. Lisäksi määrittelen, mitä tarkoitan psyykkisellä väkivallalla tässä tutkimuksessa. Kokosin tutkimusaineiston kahdessa eri vaiheessa vuosina 2002–2006. Ensimmäisen vaiheen aineiston muodostivat terveydenhuollon työntekijöiden ja opiskelijoiden kirjeet, joita sain 32. Toisen vaiheen aineiston kokosin keskustelemalla niiden kertojien kanssa, jotka antoivat kirjeissään suostumuksensa ja yhteystietonsa. Litteroidut kirjeet ja keskusteluhaastattelut tuottivat aineistoksi 482 sivua tekstiä. Analysoin aluksi alkuperäiset psyykkisen väkivallan kokemukselliset kertomukset soveltaen Labovin (1982) rakenneanalyysin osia, joita olivat orientaatio, menetelmä, arviointi ja ratkaisu. Näin kertomukset pelkistyivät yksilö- ja yhteisökohtaisiksi ydinkertomuksiksi. Yksilökohtaisiksi ydinkertomuksiksi muodostuivat Kertomus haavoittuvuudesta, Kertomus innostuneisuudesta, Kertomus rutiinien kyseenalaistamisesta, Kertomus tulokkuudesta, Kertomus johtajuudesta ja Kertomus tiedostamisesta. Yhteisökohtaisiksi ydinkertomuksiksi muodostuivat Kertomus väsytetystä työyhteisöstä ja Kertomus työyhteisöstä psyykkisen väkivallan uhrina. Tämän jälkeen analysoin yksilö- ja yhteisökohtaiset ydinkertomukset Categorical-Content -analyysimenetelmällä muodostaen psyykkisen väkivallan kokonaiskertomuksen. Analysointi sisälsi kaksi vaihetta. Ensimmäisessä vaiheessa muodostin ydinkertomuksista Categorical-Content -analyysimenetelmää käyttäen neljä kertomusta, joiden nimet ovat: Kertomus psyykkisen väkivallan kehittymisestä, Kertomus psyykkisen väkivallan menetelmistä, Kertomus psyykkisen väkivallan seurauksista ja Kertomus psyykkisestä väkivallasta toipumisesta. Edellä mainituista kertomuksista muodostin Categorical-Content -analyysimenetelmää käyttäen edelleen kertomusten sisältöihin liittyvät tarinat. Yksilö- ja yhteiskohtaiset ydinkertomukset kuvaavat niitä kertomuksia, joita tutkimukseen osallistujat ovat pitäneet merkityksellisinä itselleen. Categorical-Content -analyysimenetelmän avulla muodostamani psyykkisen väkivallan kokonaiskertomus edustaa yleistä tietoa tutkimukseen osallistuneiden terveydenhuollon työntekijöiden ja opiskelijoiden kirjoittamista ja kertomista psyykkisen väkivallan kokemuksellisista kertomuksista. Tämän kokonaiskertomuksen mukaan psyykkinen väkivalta kehittyy yhteisöissä, joissa psyykkiselle väkivallalle otollisia olosuhteita ovat yhteisöjen hierarkkiset rakenteet, niiden kielteiset byrokraattiset toiminta- ja johtamistavat sekä talouslama ja sen seuraukset. Otollisiin olosuhteisiin kuuluvat myös yhteisöjen muuttuneet arvot. Tällaisissa olosuhteissa psyykkisen väkivallan uhrit, psyykkisen väkivallan käyttäjät ja mukana toimijat muodostavat ongelmallisen vuorovaikutussysteemin. Nämä yhdessä voivat johtaa psyykkisen väkivallan uhrin uuvuttamiseen ja aiheuttaa hänelle kokonaisvaltaisen uupumisen ja loppuun kulumisen tunteen, josta toipuminen on vaikeaa mutta mahdollista. Psyykkisen väkivallan uuvuttamille ihmisille toipuminen merkitsee uuden alun tavoittelemista elämässä, elämän saavuttamista ja sen menettämistä.

Mental Violence in present study is similar to a western concept, bullying. But is has its characteristics, forms and causes in Chinese workplace. It is a form of indirect interpersonal aggression and identified through the perceptions of its receivers. It does not involving touching receivers physically but is psychologically damaging. It exists between individuals of equal status, such as colleagues. Moreover, it is a two-way phenomenon, which could be reversible. Mental Violence may be the result of a conflict of values. It is particularly evident among the Chinese New Educated Youth. Chinese New Educated Youth is that cohort of young people who were partly Confucian and Collectivistic for emphasizing harmony but also partly Individualistic and Westernized for pursuing personal goals. For this cohort, the above two orientations were incompatible and dissonant leading to stress. Furthermore, they had a competitive lifestyle which was no longer supported by the welfare of a planned economy this exacerbates their stress. To relieve stress, Mental Violence was employed in their daily contacts, e.g. in workplaces. The evidence in support of this account was discussed and evaluated. There is no excuse for any violence. However, we have to say sometimes a kind of violence is not always too noxious for someone, such as the sender of violence. To some limited extent, violence could be considered as positive and it at least helped people to relieve stress and recover a balance from unbalanced situation. Mental Violence is such violence. It is a result of negotiation and a side effect of stress as well. Nevertheless, most of things are double-edged swords. Mental Violence is no exception. For the sender, it might be a buffer and makes him or her relaxed; for the receiver, it is absolutely negative, discomfort and even aggressive. For helping readers to clearly understand such violence, and for advising others to raise their awareness of the violence, this study would explore its causes and characteristics. From ancient traditional society to the present modern one, Confucianism and Collectivism afterwards represent a kind of gentle culture which deeply influences traditional Chinese. Chinese traditional philosophy, such as Confucianism and Taoism, stresses the significance of the harmony relationship for the growing, maturing and success of the Chinese. Chinese New Educated Youth who were disciplined for such a culture in thoughts and behaviours while growing up. Therefore, to keep harmony and to avoid conflict becomes a key characteristic for Chinese interactions in a collective society. However, the opening policy to the West world exposed China to the influence of Individualism which is absolutely unlike Confucian or Collectivism. Confucianism s influence has been challenged by Westernized values because of globalization. The difference between two values made Chinese New Educated Youth confused in their thoughts and appropriate behaviours in interpersonal relationships. To recover a balance, they need to relieve such a stress from the confusion and other stressors as well. While using the two value systems in interaction with others, Mental Violence usually happened. Therefore, the conflict of two different values in dealing with social relationship became one cause for Mental Violence. In present research, I tried to reveal Mental Violence, a particular kind of daily conflict in interactions among modern Chinese. For pursuing why Chinese New Educated Youth was special and experienced Mental Violence often, they were compared with other generations in China. Therefore, this research invited participants from three generations (Chinese New Educated Youth, the older generation who were born before 1970s, and the younger generation who were born in 1980s) and from different cities in China. Participants occupations covered different professions, and all of them worked in three sizes of offices (small, big and single). Both of qualitative and quantitative data collecting methods were used in the study. They contained semi-structural interviewing and filling up the questionnaire. And main methods of data analysis are factor analysis, correlation and Thematic Analysis. The result indicated that Mental Violence of Chinese educated youth occurred in workplace was the most often, but was largely unseen by people outside of the group. Because I had to establish why this cohort would be inclined to apply more Mental Violence in daily life, I compared them with their previous generation and the later generation through measuring demographics, westernised, individualism and collectivism. Three generations are different in the Individualism-Collectivism tendency. Chinese New Educated Youth were always in the middle. They were seemed as partly Collectivistic and partly Individualistic. Linked with categories of Mental Violence Chinese New Educated Youth usually experienced, it seems they applied double standards to deal with social interactions. Due to such standards made them failed in establishing good relationships with colleagues, in other words, whatever Chinese New Educated Youth or their colleagues did not feel happy in their social interactions, it means Chinese New Educated Youth have conflict in Individualism-Collectivism tendency. Otherwise, through the investigation, I noticed significant demographical difference other than the generation in experiencing Mental Violence. Male participants reported experiencing Mental Violence more than female ones. The higher education the participant got, the more he or she experienced Mental Violence. Comparing with other occupations, intellectual respondents reported sending Mental Violence the most. Participants who worked as staffs experienced Mental Violence more than people who worked as administrators in the workplace. And people who were singles experienced Mental Violence the most in workplace. Because conflict of relationship seems a sensitive topic for Chinese, I started interviews from talking about overviews of participants workplaces with them. Therefore, the result also shows characteristics of structure and social relationship of Chinese modern offices. China had lot of small size offices in which 2 to 10 staffs worked. Small offices organised small relative closed groups. In such a group, staffs had long time for face to face interaction everyday. Such offices were much more than single offices where only one person worked in and big offices where more than ten persons in. Both of the above characteristics of workplace are not beneficial for physical aggressions as previous study proved but could considered as a structural factor for Mental Violence. Actually, the Mental Violence which reported occurring in small offices is the most often, especially among Chinese New Educated Youth. Hope this research could be a model for further more thorough relevant study. All of the above would be a step towards further study on Mental Violence and Chinese New Educated Youth.

New Criminal code came into power in 2003. It changed the concept of indecent assault. The new modern concept of indecent assault is more related to the changes in society, but sometimes is difficult to apply, because of its novelty and indetermination. Therefore it is necessary to determine the legal concept of indecent assault in order to avoid controversial evaluation of sexual offences and their elements of proof. So the aim of this study is to analyse indecent assault from historical point of view, to describe forms of indecent assault and aggravating circumstances. The proposed review of indecent assault contains legal evaluation of all attributions according to their legal evaluation in Lithuanian and foreign criminal law. Theoretical evaluation of indecent assault is linked to the examples of court’s practise by underlining controversial aspects of concept of indecent assault and proposing possible ways to define them.

Le retentissement psychologique d’événements sources de responsabilité, quels qu’ils soient – acte de terrorisme, perte d’un être cher, harcèlement moral… – est spécifique du fait de ses caractères protéiforme et invisible. Tout d’abord, le premier d’entre eux tient au fait qu’en matière psychologique tant les atteintes que les souffrances en résultant sont diverses. Ainsi, d’un point de vue lésionnel, certains événements vont s’avérer plus traumatisants que d’autres, principalement ceux au cours desquels le sujet a été confronté à sa propre mort. Concernant la souffrance, un sujet peut tout aussi bien souffrir émotionnellement d’une altération de sa propre intégrité – par exemple physique avec le diagnostic d’une pathologie grave – que d’un tort affectant celle d’un proche (e.g. décès, handicap). Un retentissement qualifié d’invisible ensuite, puisqu’il apparaît bien plus aisé d’identifier une atteinte à l’intégrité physique qu’une atteinte à l’intégrité psychique. De plus, certaines atteintes psychologiques sont totalement insaisissables en raison de leur caractère éminemment diffus. L’objet de cette démonstration est donc de savoir comment le droit de la responsabilité civile va appréhender la victime de ce retentissement psychologique. Sa prise en charge ne pourra être que particulière du fait de l’interaction inévitable entre les sphères juridique et psychologique.Afin de le découvrir sera proposée, dans un premier temps, une conceptualisation de la victime psychologique se fondant sur la réalité psychopathologique. Deux grandes distinctions nourrissent cette réflexion. L’une est de nature juridique ; il s’agit de la distinction du dommage et du préjudice. L’autre est d’origine psychopathologique ; elle oppose le choc émotionnel au traumatisme psychique. Leur entrecroisement permettra d’élaborer différents cas de manifestation de la souffrance psychologique et de dessiner les contours de la qualité de victime. Dans un second temps, au titre de l’indemnisation de la victime psychologique, tant l’appréciation que l’évaluation de ses préjudices seront examinées. Les répercussions du traumatisme psychique voire du choc émotionnel vont parfois être si importantes que l’indemnisation ne pourra se cantonner à la seule souffrance éprouvée. Des conséquences de nature différente, par exemple patrimoniales, devront être prises en considération. À cette fin, une typologie des préjudices de la victime sous analyse mérite d’être mise en place. Des règles d’indemnisation distinctes seront érigées en fonction du préjudice subi. Un préjudice présumé, notamment à partir d’un dommage, ne pourra logiquement être compensé de la même façon que des préjudices non présumables, c’est-à-dire soumis à expertise. En somme, le système d’indemnisation à instaurer se devra d’être en phase avec le système de révélation de la souffrance qui aura été précédemment établi.Ainsi, cette étude se propose de construire un réel statut fondateur de la victime psychologique. Une fois cette notion cardinale intégralement conceptualisée, un régime d’indemnisation s’en inférant sera rationnellement avancé. / The psychological impact of the events, which are the source of responsibility, be they acts of terrorism, loss of a loved one, psychological harassment, is specific to characteristics both protean and invisible. The first among them is due to the fact that in psychological matter injuries and the resulting suffering are both varied. As such, from the injury point of view, certain events will prove to be more traumatizing than others. Principally those during which the subject has been faced with his own death. Concerning suffering, a subject can as well emotionally suffer a change in his own integrity – for example the physical one with a diagnosis of a serious illness – that of a sort damage which affects that of a loved one (e.g. death or handicap). Then, the impact is considered invisible. It appears much more simple indeed, to identify harm to physical integrity as a harm to psychic integrity. More so, certain psychological harms are totally imperceptible by reason of their eminently diffuse characteristic. The object of this demonstration is therefore to know how civil liability law will comprehend the victim of such a psychological impact. Its comprehension will be particular given the inevitable interaction between the judicial and psychological spheres.In order to better understand this, we will first propose a conceptualization of the psychological victim that blends into psychopathological reality. Two major distinctions feed this thought. One is legal nature, which relates to the distinction between prejudice and harm. The other is psychopathological in nature which opposes emotional shock and psychic trauma. Their intertwining allows us to elaborate different cases of manifestation of psychological suffering and define the contours of the qualities of the victim. Secondly, regarding compensation for a psychological victim, both the appreciation and the evaluation of these prejudices will be examined. The repercussions of psychic trauma, or even emotional shock can sometimes be so grave that compensation cannot restrict itself only to the experienced suffering. Consequences of different natures, for example patrimonial ones, must be taken into consideration. To this end, a division of the prejudices of the psychological victim should be put in place. Distinct rules of compensation will be established based on the prejudice endured. A prejudice presumed, originating notably from a harm, cannot logically be compensated in the same fashion as non-presumable prejudices that require a forensic assessment. In short, the system of compensation must be in phase with the system of disclosure of suffering that has been previously established. As a result, this study proposes to construct a true founding status of a psychological victim. Once this principal notion has been completely conceptualized, we can use it to create a rational compensation scheme.