You are what you eat. The essence of being is our identity, so what we choose to eat has a large impact on who we are. By defining identity and applying these definitions in relation to food we can discover how we identify through the foods we eat, creating a food identity. For Mexican Americans, it is la comida que sí se come! I have classified the following as our most basic forms of identity: mental versus the physical or biological, and individual versus group. Within the group identity stem the facets of race, ethnicity, nationality, language and culture that all make up a Mexican American identity. By thoroughly exploring the four basic classifications of identity we are able to apply the methods of identity creation towards our interactions with food, from our first learned experiences as children, to later cooking for our own children, which all lead to the creation of our food identities. Once food identity is understood it can be applied specifically to the Mexican American experience, therefore exploring how the food choices that Mexican Americans make contribute towards a unique food identity. Just like the Mexican American self identity, Mexican American food identity is neither “Mexican” nor “American,” and yet it can be both. Like self identity, this food identity consists of a long historical background, embracing dual nationalities and combining life experiences with culture. It is also heavily influenced by family- familia- more so than a generic food identity. / text

This study produced a rich description of the lived experiences of tuberculosis (TB) treatment among Mexican Americans with TB living in the Lower Rio Grande Valley (LRGV) of Texas. This phenomenological study was guided by Merleau-Ponty's philosophical framework, particularly his theories on mind-body influence, fabric of relationships, importance of culture, and equilibrium. A purposeful sample was recruited through TB clinics in four south Texas border counties: Hidalgo, Cameron, Starr, and Willacy, which make up the LRGV. Interviews from 18 participants were conducted in the participants' preferred language and analyzed. There were five women and 13 men. The majority of interviews (n=16) were conducted in Spanish. Five themes were discovered: a) being observed taking pills everyday b) signs and symptoms, c) importance of family, d) stigma; and e) border living. Stigma has four subconcepts: masks, interactions with others, internalization of stigma, and actions to limit exposure to stigma. The overarching theme was a struggle to find a balance during treatment between being exposed to stigma and isolation from social support. Recommendations have been made in regard to education, practice, and research, and health policy. / text

While the work of contemporary Mexican artist Teresa Margolles and her collaborators in the death-metal band and performance group SEMEFO is often contextualized within a national framework or within specific artistic developments of the 1990s, meager writing exists to explore how the artist and the audience experience the work. This thesis examines the work of Margolles and SEMEFO to contextualize their work with dead bodies and animal carcasses within a historical moment in Mexico City, but also to relate it to its many venues and audiences. In it, I study the work's relationship to affect, narratives of personal experience, and to the intimate ways in which artist and audience view the dead. Studying how Margolles and her collaborators change their presentation of corpses over time and in different spaces allows readings of the artists' relationship to their underground death-metal community, their urban independent artistic community, and their international museum-based community. Through these communities, we can understand Margolles' work as part of a more specific history based on intimate interactions and expressions of mourning.

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This study supports the development of the Attributions for Scholastic Outcomes Scale--Latino (ASO-L). Previous research has shown that people believe that it is important to close the achievement gaps that exist between racial/ethnic minorities and Whites (Rose & Gallup, 2004). Despite the fact that the general public has taken an interest in this area, there are currently no instruments for measuring how people reason about these issues. Consequently, there is little knowledge as to why people continue to support policies that have been unsuccessful in bringing racial/ethnic minority academic performance up to the level of Whites. This study takes steps in that direction by providing educators and school reform advocates with a useful instrument for understanding how people reason about the causes for the Latino-White achievement gap. The ASO-L measures the extent to which people believe in two different explanations for the Latino-White achievement gap. I have termed the explanation that I believe is most pervasive in US society "culture-blaming." It is consistent with the dominant racial story about Latino underachievement, which focuses primarily on the presumed limitations of Latino families and Latino culture. I refer to what I believe to be the second most common explanation as "structure-blaming." It challenges the dominant racial story because it places blame on schools and the schooling system rather than the limitations of Latinos. Confirmatory factor analyses provide evidence for the factorial validity of the ASO-L. In addition, structural equation modeling performed on sample data indicates that the two primary explanations--culture-blaming and structure-blaming--are meaningfully related to attitudes towards resource redistribution, English-only initiatives, parent education, and standardized testing above and beyond what can be accounted for by measures of attributional complexity (G. Fletcher, Danilovics, Fernandez, Peterson, & Reeder, 1986) and political orientation (Kerlinger, 1984). Finally, a comparison of latent means revealed that Latinos are more likely than Whites to endorse structure-blaming attributions, but no less likely to endorse culture-blaming attributions. Recommendations for further research and academic activism are included. / text

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Mexican Americans are a population that has significantly increased over the years in the United States. Despite their growth, many still face barriers in their pursuit of success and are at increased risk for poorer outcomes. Many explanations, such as acculturation, have been sought as potential contributors to poorer outcomes seen among Mexican Americans, particularly in academic settings. As an alternative explanation to acculturation, Fordham and Ogbu (1986) proposed that many of the negative outcomes in academic performance seen among African Americans could be attributed to the within-group processes that ostracized those who exhibited behaviors deemed “White.” Since the emergence of the “acting White” thesis, significant research has emerged in the hopes of either proving or disproving the tenants of the thesis. What has emerged is that some minorities have experienced pressures to conform and that many utilize a set of strategies that allow them to negotiate their multicultural contexts. However, most of the literature has focused on the experiences of African Americans; meanwhile research has been limited among other ethnicities who may share similar experiences. This report proposes a study that would attempt to examine whether Mexican Americans experience social pressures to conform to within-group cultural expectations. This study would also explore how Mexican American youth negotiate their ethnic peer cultures and school environments. In addition, potential psychological stressors related to accusations of “acting White” and perceived social pressures would also be explored. / text

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