This thesis is an examination of Nguyen Ai Quoc's (Ho Chi Minh's) role in transmitting communism to Vietnam in the period between the First and Second World Wars. As the Third International (Comintern) provided the theory and much of the organizational support for this task, it is also a study of the Comintern's changing policies towards revolution in colonial countries. It has grown out of research in the Moscow archives of the Comintern, which first became available to researchers in late 1991-1992. It also makes extensive use of the French colonial archives at the Centre d'Archives d'Outre-Mer in Aix-en-Provence. This study begins with Nguyen Ai Quoc's appearance in Paris in 1919, when he lobbied the Paris Peace Conference for greater Vietnamese freedom and was then drawn into the political world of the French left. It follows his first contacts with the Comintern in Moscow (1923- 1924), through his two-year sojourn in Canton during the Communist-Guomindang United Front, when he established the first training courses for Vietnamese revolutionaries. Chapters IV and V cover his return to Asia in mid-1928, his founding of the Vietnamese Communist Party in 1930, and the 1930-31 insurrectionary movement in Vietnam. Chapter Six deals with his Jime 1931 arrest and his long period of political inactivity in Moscow, from mid-1934 until the autumn of 1938. The final chapter covers his return to southern China and his efforts to regain his influence in the Vietnamese communist movement from 1939 to 1941. The thesis concludes that, with the benefit of the documentary evidence now available, it is necessary to readjust the perception of Nguyen Ai Quoc as an influential communist during his early political career. Initially he received little financial support from Moscow and he never became a member of the Comintern Executive Committee. Nor did he exist entirely within the world of the Comintern. Although the latter was an essential force in the creation of Vietnamese communism, there were other factors which shaped its growth, including family and regional ties, as well as Chinese and French left-wing politics.

The Vietnamese people have always harboured an extraordinarily strong patriotic drive. But the government formed by Ho Chi Minh (1890-1969) after the Declaration of Independence of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam (DRV) on the 2nd September 1945, the group that was to represent majority Vietnamese opinion until and after 1975, was spearheaded by the Vietminh (League for Vietnam's Independence) - a movement that did not define itself as Nationalist, but rather as an expressly Communist group. When the people of Vietnam looked for leadership, this was the obvious group to choose - the only movement prepared and willing to step in (other, more nationalist resistance groups had prematurely flourished and failed, as shall be discussed). In the Vietnam that found itself suddenly free at the close of the Second World War, no other lobby was ready, no group presented itself nationally as the Communists were and did. The Liberation Army that seized control of town after town was the military arm of the Viet Minh, formed in 1944 under Vo Nguyen Giap (b. 1912), an element of a movement that published its manifesto in February 1930, that had begun preparation and ideological training in the late 1920's in Guangzhou under Ho Chi Minh. Given the long preparation carried out by the Vietminh, the progression to the declaration of the Democratic Republic of Vietnam as a Communist nation with Ho at its head was a natural one. Whilst that development seems logical given the conditions of the day, the manner in which those conditions were reached (or manipulated) has been the subject of intense debate. Was that natural progression one in which the ideologists of Communist revolution 'captured' the Nationalist movement, exploited a nationalistic fervour to produce the desired revolt, using the front of the Viet Minh to blend their esoteric dogmas with the more easily understood nationalist cause of resistance? This is a perception held by many modern historians - that, in effect, Communists are the parasites of the modernization process. This attitude was and is encouraged by examination of advice given to Asian revolutionaries by their Soviet counterparts; Grigori Zinoviev (1833-1936) - later to die by Stalin's order - argued in 1922 that Communists should co-operate with the rising nationalists in Asia, gain the leadership of their movement, and then cast aside the genuine national leaders. For by itself, the tiny Indochina Communist Party could never have hoped to attract the support of politically engaged Vietnamese, let alone the hearts and minds of the nation at large. This is the essence of the currently accepted analysis of the revolutionary Vietnamese setting - that the Communist lobby exploited a majority furious with the abuses of French rule, sliding Communism into a dominant role in Vietnamese life. The majority of people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power. Such a perception, as shall be discussed, is representative of the Western reading of the whole Southeast Asian region of the day. The Vietnamese people were accustomed to the use of violence to protect their independence; perennial opposition to expansionist China meant that few peoples in Asia had been compelled to fight longer and harder to retain their identity as a separate and independent state than the Vietnamese. Whilst the ability and commitment of the Vietcong in resistance to outside power has been recognised, the strong sense of Vietnamese identity in and of itself has never really been acknowledged beyond the most simplistic of terms by external observers, perhaps because of the difficulty of comprehending how such an emotion can form when looking at the odd shape of the nation on a map. Such a lack of awareness allows supposed Vietnam specialists to assert that the dominant Vietnamese self-assessment is the extent to which the country is not Chinese (and, to a lesser extent, not French) rather than entering into a more significant analysis of how a national identity formed: how, whilst certainly influenced by feelings of encirclement and domination, Vietnam also developed a separate, distinct sense of self. This, whilst a sense that has only relatively recently manifested itself in territorial demands, is a longstanding emotion and sense, in and of itself. Given an understanding of that sense or merely an awareness of its existence, the willingness of the Vietnamese to combat the most powerful nation on Earth, though certainly impressive, needs little explanation; this work has attempted to explore a more difficult question - why they chose the dogma that served them. The idea that the majority of the Vietnamese people had not fought for a communist government, but to be rid of the colonial occupying power is in truth the presentation of a false dichotomy. The fact that a group within a broad movement participates for different reasons from another group does not necessarily imply exploitation or pretense. Neither does the fact that one has a strong political ideology such as socialism forbid the possession of any other political inclination, such as patriotism. The concept of a socialist exploitation of Vietnamese nationalism will be opposed here: a discussion of the disputed importance of nationalism to the Vietnamese Communist movement in resistance, and of Communism to the nationalist movement, will form the subject of this essay. The unity of Vietnam under Communist government in 1975 seems a fitting end to the period to be considered. Much of interest - the politics behind partition, or the Communist-led conduct of war with America, for example - can be considered only briefly; fortunately, these are issues considered in great depth elsewhere. The central issue to this work shall be the development of the Communist movement in French Indochina, and the thesis herein shall be that nationalism and Marxist-Leninism occupied a symbiotic relationship in the motivation of the Communist movement and its chief practitioners in the nation once again known as Vietnam.

Abstract Introduction: Previous research showed that comorbidities that are common in patients with Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease (COPD) are anxiety and depression. Furthermore, stress can be associated with more depressive symptoms. Patients suffering from depression along with an additional medical condition, tend to have more severe symptoms in both depression and their medical illness.   Aim: The aim of this study was to investigate depression, anxiety, and stress among COPD patients, and also to examine if there was a difference in levels of depression, anxiety and stress between genders, and between COPD patients and patients with COPD together with comorbid chronic condition.   Method: This study had a descriptive and cross-sectional design with a quantitative method. The data collection took place at a respiratory ward at Cho Ray Hospital in Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. Sixty two COPD patients, both men and women, participated voluntarily by answering a questionnaire. Virginia Henderson´s nursing theory was used as a theoretical framework. Data analysis was conducted through using the statistical program SPSS.   Result: More than half of the COPD patients (88.8%) presented symptoms of depression, 93.5% presented symptoms of anxiety, and 54.8% presented symptoms of stress. There was a statistical significance between genders among COPD patients in anxiety, where all female participants (100%) showed extremely severe levels of anxiety. In levels of extreme severity, both patients with only COPD diagnosis and patients with COPD and comorbid chronic condition presented symptoms in both depression and anxiety, but not in levels of stress.     Conclusion: COPD patients in Ho Chi Minh City presented high levels of depression and anxiety. In addition, levels of stress were present, although not as high as depression and anxiety among this patient group. More information concerning psychological distress needs to be offered by healthcare professionals to COPD patients. Further research in this field is desirable. / Sammanfattning Introduktion: Tidigare forskning visar att depression och ångest är vanligt förekommande bland patienter med Kroniskt Obstruktiv Lungsjukdom (KOL). Stress kan associeras med flera depressiva symtom. Patienter som lider av depression tillsammans med annat mediciniskt tillstånd kan ha en tendens att utveckla svårare symptom i sin depression och sitt medicinska tillstånd.   Syfte: Syftet med denna studie var att undersöka depression, ångest och stress hos patienter med KOL och om skillnader fanns mellan kön. Vidare önskades skillnader undersökas mellan patienter med enbart KOL och patienter med KOL och annat kroniskt tillstånd.     Metod: Studien är en deskriptiv tvärsnittsstudie, med kvantitativ metod. Datainsamling utfördes på en respiratorisk avdelning på Cho Ray sjukhuset i Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam. Sextio-två KOL-patienter, både män och kvinnor, deltog frivilligt genom att besvara en enkät. Virginia Hendersons omvårdnadsteori användes i detta arbete. Dataanalysen utfördes med hjälp av SPSS programmet.   Resultat: Mer än hälften (88,8 %) av KOL-patienterna visade symtom på depression, 93,5% för ångest, samt 54,8 % visade symtom för stress. Det fanns en statistisk signifikant skillnad mellan könen avseende ångest, där alla kvinnliga deltagare (100 %) visade extremt allvarliga nivåer av ångest. Patienter med enbart KOL-diagnos och patienter med KOL tillsammans med andra kroniska tillstånd uppvisade extremt allvarliga nivåer av både depression och ångest, dock inte av stress.   Slutsats: KOL-patienter i Ho Chi Minh City, Vietnam, uppvisar höga nivåer av depression och ångest. Höga stressnivåer bland deltagare kunde ses, dock inte i lika hög utsträckning som depression och ångest i denna patientgrupp. Mer studier i detta ämne är önskvärt.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Pennsylvania State University, 2008. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. Thesis advisor: Mary Ann Stankiewicz.

Le 13 février 1991, un colloque sur « l’actualité vietnamienne » est organisé au Sénat. Lorsque Georges Boudarel, universitaire à Paris VII et spécialiste du Viêtnam, prend la parole, il est immédiatement interrompu par Jean-Jacques Beucler, ancien secrétaire d’état aux anciens combattants et ancien prisonnier français de la guerre d’Indochine. Ce dernier entend le confondre pour son rôle de commissaire politique dans les camps du Viêt-minh. C’est le début de l’affaire Boudarel qui va opposer durant de longs mois les anciens prisonniers à Georges Boudarel devenu l’incarnation de l’idéologie communiste.Derrière la dimension politique de l’affaire se cachent les souffrances d’une communauté d’anciens combattants de la guerre d’Indochine en mal de reconnaissance. Cette situation a contraint ce groupe mémoriel à s’organiser, à établir des stratégies pour parvenir à une reconnaissance dans l’opinion publique. Cette mémoire « souterraine » va se confronter à l’histoire dans une zone de tension mémorielle, chacune se nourrissant de l’autre. La sociologie pragmatique par son approche du suivi des acteurs nous a permis d’observer l’évolution de cet espace et la manière dont les acteurs-témoins se l’approprient.Dans leurs stratégies, les acteurs témoins ont perçu les avantages qu’ils pourraient tirer de l’utilisation de l’Internet. Cet usage permet une visibilité que n’offraient pas les médias traditionnels. Cette nouvelle donne risque toutefois d’avoir des répercussions sur la discipline historique, notamment en ce qui concerne la prise en compte des traces que génèrent les acteurs-témoins et leur pérennisation. Il apparaît que l’écriture de l’histoire des différents événements contemporains pourrait s’en trouver modifiée / On the 13th February 1991, a colloquium about the « Vietnamese topicality » isorganized at the French Senate. When Georges Boudarel, an academic at Paris VII University and a Vietnam specialist starts to speak, he is immediately interrupted by Jean-Jacques Beucher, former Secretary of State for the Veterans and who is also a former French prisoner of the Indo-China War. The latter wants to confound him for his role as a political commissioner in the Viet-Minh camps. This is the beginning of the Boudarel case confronting former prisoners to Georges Boudarel during long months, and who is now the incarnation of the communist ideology.The sufferings of a community of Indo-China War veterans longing for gratitude are hidden behind the political dimension of this case. The situation compelled this memorial group to organize themselves and to build up strategies in order to get gratitude from the public opinion. This “subterranean” memory is going to face history in a zone of memorial tension, in which each one thrives on each other. The pragmatic sociology thanks to its followed approach of the actors allowed us to see the evolution of this space and how the actors witnesses took over it.In their strategies, the actors- witnesses saw the advantages they could take of the use of Internet. Indeed, it allows a visibility which was impossible with the usual Medias. However, this new order may have repercussions on the historical discipline, especially concerning the traces generated by the actors-witnesses and their perpetuation. It turns out that the writing of history of different contemporary events could be modified.

No description available.

In 1986, Vietnam opened up the country’s economy by launching the Doi Moi (renovation) policy, which made the process of economic liberalisation possible. Accordingly, Ho Chi Minh City, the country’s biggest city, has undergone rapid growth of population, urbanisation and industrialisation. While achieving remarkable economic growth, the city faces considerable urban environmental challenges. The rapid growth of urbanisation and industry has placed increasing pressure on available freshwater resources, through excessive water use and increasing volumes of untreated wastewater. Firstly, the urban water sector has had to meet growing demand for water use for domestic purposes during the dry season. Secondly, groundwater levels have experienced a substantial drawdown in outlying urban districts as a result of over-abstraction. Thirdly, rapidly expanding industrial activities are causing severe demand on water resources. The city’s major supply sources have developed an alarming level of pollutants discharged by industry. The aim of this thesis is to formulate an integrated approach to the sustainable management of water resources in Ho Chi Minh City. In order to achieve this, the research was designed to examine institutional frameworks and arrangements and to explore the perception of water value by water users and stakeholders. The underlying reasons for ineffective management are anchored in fragmented management practices which result from inadequate institutional frameworks and arrangements, inadequate regulations and inappropriate water governance. Weak enforcement of law and insufficient cooperation between government agencies and departments in Ho Chi Minh City and their counterparts in neighbouring provinces also limit management efficacy. The research results show that stakeholders have different perceptions of water resources. Overall, water value has been considered as a social and economic good by both the urban respondents and government officials. However, most urban residents view water as a social good rather than an economic one. Public involvement in the water sector is limited. Most urban dwellers have little understanding and knowledge about the city’s water issues or the available channels to access information on water resources. Many government officials are inadequately trained, poorly qualified, inexperienced and have irrelevant or outdated background knowledge about their field of management. Government respondents did not provide consistent data and information on the water profile because there is no shared common information on water issues in place. Findings from the fieldwork show that decentralisation, privatisation and using rainwater as a potential alternative water source are preferred. Finally, the study proposes a schematic revision of existing management structures and mechanisms between local government agencies. This thesis proposes a model for a water conservation strategy for which the management and use of water resources is aligned with adequate institutional arrangements and effective regulations. Water governance and management of water resources need to work with economic and urbanisation growth. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1331639 / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008

In 1986, Vietnam opened up the country’s economy by launching the Doi Moi (renovation) policy, which made the process of economic liberalisation possible. Accordingly, Ho Chi Minh City, the country’s biggest city, has undergone rapid growth of population, urbanisation and industrialisation. While achieving remarkable economic growth, the city faces considerable urban environmental challenges. The rapid growth of urbanisation and industry has placed increasing pressure on available freshwater resources, through excessive water use and increasing volumes of untreated wastewater. Firstly, the urban water sector has had to meet growing demand for water use for domestic purposes during the dry season. Secondly, groundwater levels have experienced a substantial drawdown in outlying urban districts as a result of over-abstraction. Thirdly, rapidly expanding industrial activities are causing severe demand on water resources. The city’s major supply sources have developed an alarming level of pollutants discharged by industry. The aim of this thesis is to formulate an integrated approach to the sustainable management of water resources in Ho Chi Minh City. In order to achieve this, the research was designed to examine institutional frameworks and arrangements and to explore the perception of water value by water users and stakeholders. The underlying reasons for ineffective management are anchored in fragmented management practices which result from inadequate institutional frameworks and arrangements, inadequate regulations and inappropriate water governance. Weak enforcement of law and insufficient cooperation between government agencies and departments in Ho Chi Minh City and their counterparts in neighbouring provinces also limit management efficacy. The research results show that stakeholders have different perceptions of water resources. Overall, water value has been considered as a social and economic good by both the urban respondents and government officials. However, most urban residents view water as a social good rather than an economic one. Public involvement in the water sector is limited. Most urban dwellers have little understanding and knowledge about the city’s water issues or the available channels to access information on water resources. Many government officials are inadequately trained, poorly qualified, inexperienced and have irrelevant or outdated background knowledge about their field of management. Government respondents did not provide consistent data and information on the water profile because there is no shared common information on water issues in place. Findings from the fieldwork show that decentralisation, privatisation and using rainwater as a potential alternative water source are preferred. Finally, the study proposes a schematic revision of existing management structures and mechanisms between local government agencies. This thesis proposes a model for a water conservation strategy for which the management and use of water resources is aligned with adequate institutional arrangements and effective regulations. Water governance and management of water resources need to work with economic and urbanisation growth. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1331639 / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008

In 1986, Vietnam opened up the country’s economy by launching the Doi Moi (renovation) policy, which made the process of economic liberalisation possible. Accordingly, Ho Chi Minh City, the country’s biggest city, has undergone rapid growth of population, urbanisation and industrialisation. While achieving remarkable economic growth, the city faces considerable urban environmental challenges. The rapid growth of urbanisation and industry has placed increasing pressure on available freshwater resources, through excessive water use and increasing volumes of untreated wastewater. Firstly, the urban water sector has had to meet growing demand for water use for domestic purposes during the dry season. Secondly, groundwater levels have experienced a substantial drawdown in outlying urban districts as a result of over-abstraction. Thirdly, rapidly expanding industrial activities are causing severe demand on water resources. The city’s major supply sources have developed an alarming level of pollutants discharged by industry. The aim of this thesis is to formulate an integrated approach to the sustainable management of water resources in Ho Chi Minh City. In order to achieve this, the research was designed to examine institutional frameworks and arrangements and to explore the perception of water value by water users and stakeholders. The underlying reasons for ineffective management are anchored in fragmented management practices which result from inadequate institutional frameworks and arrangements, inadequate regulations and inappropriate water governance. Weak enforcement of law and insufficient cooperation between government agencies and departments in Ho Chi Minh City and their counterparts in neighbouring provinces also limit management efficacy. The research results show that stakeholders have different perceptions of water resources. Overall, water value has been considered as a social and economic good by both the urban respondents and government officials. However, most urban residents view water as a social good rather than an economic one. Public involvement in the water sector is limited. Most urban dwellers have little understanding and knowledge about the city’s water issues or the available channels to access information on water resources. Many government officials are inadequately trained, poorly qualified, inexperienced and have irrelevant or outdated background knowledge about their field of management. Government respondents did not provide consistent data and information on the water profile because there is no shared common information on water issues in place. Findings from the fieldwork show that decentralisation, privatisation and using rainwater as a potential alternative water source are preferred. Finally, the study proposes a schematic revision of existing management structures and mechanisms between local government agencies. This thesis proposes a model for a water conservation strategy for which the management and use of water resources is aligned with adequate institutional arrangements and effective regulations. Water governance and management of water resources need to work with economic and urbanisation growth. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1331639 / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008

In 1986, Vietnam opened up the country’s economy by launching the Doi Moi (renovation) policy, which made the process of economic liberalisation possible. Accordingly, Ho Chi Minh City, the country’s biggest city, has undergone rapid growth of population, urbanisation and industrialisation. While achieving remarkable economic growth, the city faces considerable urban environmental challenges. The rapid growth of urbanisation and industry has placed increasing pressure on available freshwater resources, through excessive water use and increasing volumes of untreated wastewater. Firstly, the urban water sector has had to meet growing demand for water use for domestic purposes during the dry season. Secondly, groundwater levels have experienced a substantial drawdown in outlying urban districts as a result of over-abstraction. Thirdly, rapidly expanding industrial activities are causing severe demand on water resources. The city’s major supply sources have developed an alarming level of pollutants discharged by industry. The aim of this thesis is to formulate an integrated approach to the sustainable management of water resources in Ho Chi Minh City. In order to achieve this, the research was designed to examine institutional frameworks and arrangements and to explore the perception of water value by water users and stakeholders. The underlying reasons for ineffective management are anchored in fragmented management practices which result from inadequate institutional frameworks and arrangements, inadequate regulations and inappropriate water governance. Weak enforcement of law and insufficient cooperation between government agencies and departments in Ho Chi Minh City and their counterparts in neighbouring provinces also limit management efficacy. The research results show that stakeholders have different perceptions of water resources. Overall, water value has been considered as a social and economic good by both the urban respondents and government officials. However, most urban residents view water as a social good rather than an economic one. Public involvement in the water sector is limited. Most urban dwellers have little understanding and knowledge about the city’s water issues or the available channels to access information on water resources. Many government officials are inadequately trained, poorly qualified, inexperienced and have irrelevant or outdated background knowledge about their field of management. Government respondents did not provide consistent data and information on the water profile because there is no shared common information on water issues in place. Findings from the fieldwork show that decentralisation, privatisation and using rainwater as a potential alternative water source are preferred. Finally, the study proposes a schematic revision of existing management structures and mechanisms between local government agencies. This thesis proposes a model for a water conservation strategy for which the management and use of water resources is aligned with adequate institutional arrangements and effective regulations. Water governance and management of water resources need to work with economic and urbanisation growth. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1331639 / Thesis (Ph.D.) - University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008