All levels of governments in Canada are seeing a continued decrease in voting during elections. The lowest voter turnout rates are at the municipal level--the 2011 Vancouver municipal election saw only 34 percent of eligible voters participate. This research examines why citizen participation is decreasing in Vancouver municipal elections and focuses that research through three theories (rational voter theory, social capital and political efficacy). The research relied on existing academic literature, and combined that with primary data yielded from focus groups made up of self-declared non-voters from the 2011 Vancouver municipal election, with the addition of several subject experts (academic and those involved in running municipal campaigns). The research revealed that many non-voters are disengaged in their communities, distrust politics, do not understand the role of municipal government, and are mistrustful that voting will make a difference or that the government will represent them. They perceive that voting is too complicated in municipal elections because of factors such as having to vote for multiple positions which is a stark contrast to federal or provincial elections where they only vote for one. The thesis also identifies solutions to increase citizen participation in future municipal elections.

During a municipal election in 2010, Canadian citizens used a blog to enact an ad hoc campaign funding disclosure request of all candidates. After the election, the municipality implemented formal legislation requiring campaign funding disclosure on their own website. This thesis is a case study that explores how two technologically mediated transparency practices were constituted within and outside the scope of legislation. I draw on Andrew Pickering's (1995) notion of the mangle of practice and Karen Barad's (2003) concept of intra-action to conceptualize these transparency practices as a mangle of entwining intra-connected phenomena. In my exploration of policy in practice I deconstruct transparency practice through a discussion of how transparency mechanisms and social media characteristics intra-act and transform each other into a practice that supersedes the original intent of the ad hoc request and formal legislation. This research queries assumptions about transparency practices and contributes to establishing an interdisciplinary methodology for policy evaluation in technologically mediated environments. / Graduate / 0617 / paganda@gmail.com

In the Czech Republic, town halls are allowed to issue printed newspapers to inform the residents about local events. The newspapers are funded from municipal budgets and free for the residents, often delivered directly to the mailbox. Apart from being useful source of information, the newspapers may serve also as a platform for election campaign of the incumbent politicians. This fact was the main reason for the amendment of the Press Act in 2013, directing municipalities to issue unbiased news with enough room for all the political stakeholders. The present study uses various secondary data to examine the effects of town hall newspapers on voting decisions during municipal elections held between 1998 and 2014. Econometric analysis finds significant and positive relationship between presence of a newspaper and performance of incumbent politicians. Comparison of election results from 2014 with previous election years suggest that the Press Act amendment has not had substantial impact on this relationship.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:16Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea Reis.pdf: 2028136 bytes, checksum: eb0e10f7e4210e565ab3e365646b5569 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The electoral campaign to the city hall of São Paulo in 2004 presented a historical importance, once it was the first, after the redemocratization, with a candidate to reelection. Being known about the great political and economical power that the municipal district of São Paulo has, here it comes the following subject: when the construction of a scenery of politic representation (CR-P) together with the rhetoric of the continuity, very frequent speech during a reelection campaign, do they guarantee an electoral victory? The electoral dispute of 2004 allowed that the traditional dispute between the petismo and the malufismo of last decades was substituted by the dispute between PT and PSDB . Therefore, the dispute, that was based on the person before and is based on the party now, could it be the consequence of a larger political understanding of the electorate from São Paulo? For us to understand the defeat of an administration that was being very appraised at the end of its administration, we noticed that we should analyze, besides PR-S, the person's from São Paulo electoral behavior, which was the calendar interpersonal of the electorate in 2004, the calendar-setting of the television media during the electoral year and also two main candidates' institutional calendar, for us to verify what would justify Marta Suplicy defeat. The media can alert and inform the voter about candidates' viability and also to transmit messages that influence the public opinion during the campaign. The communication means supply perspectives, they model candidates' images, as well as of the party, they help to promote the campaign themes and they differ the specific atmosphere and the area of relevance and of activity of each electoral competition. The construction of CR-P will be accompanied till the official end of the electoral campaign of 2004. It will be verified which were the preponderant constituent elements in the institutional calendar and in the media calendar / A campanha eleitoral para a prefeitura de São Paulo, em 2004, teve importância histórica, pois foi a primeira, depois da redemocratização, com um candidato à reeleição. Sabendo-se do grande poder político e econômico que o município de São Paulo possui, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: quando a construção de um cenário de representação da política (CR-P) juntamente com a retórica da continuidade, discurso muito freqüente durante uma campanha de reeleição, garantem um triunfo eleitoral? A disputa eleitoral de 2004 permitiu que a tradicional rivalidade entre o petismo e o malufismo das décadas passadas fosse substituída pelo embate entre o PT e o PSDB. A disputa, que antes era personalista e agora está partidarizada, poderia ser a conseqüência de uma maior conscientização política do eleitorado paulistano? Para entendermos a derrota de uma administração que estava sendo bem avaliada no final de sua gestão, percebemos que deveríamos analisar, além do CR-P, o comportamento eleitoral do paulistano, qual era a agenda interpessoal do eleitorado em 2004, a agendasetting da mídia televisiva durante o ano eleitoral e também a agenda institucional dos dois principais candidatos, para verificarmos o que justificaria a derrota de Marta Suplicy. A mídia pode alertar e informar o eleitor sobre a viabilidade dos candidatos e também veicular mensagens que influenciem a opinião pública durante a campanha. Os meios de comunicação fornecem perspectivas, modelam as imagens dos candidatos, assim como do partido, ajudam a promover os temas de campanha e diferem a atmosfera específica e a área de relevância e de atividade de cada competição eleitoral. A construção do CR-P será acompanhada até o final oficial da campanha eleitoral de 2004. Serão verificados quais foram os elementos constitutivos preponderantes na agenda institucional e na agenda da mídia

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:57:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andrea Reis.pdf: 2028136 bytes, checksum: eb0e10f7e4210e565ab3e365646b5569 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-20 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The electoral campaign to the city hall of São Paulo in 2004 presented a historical importance, once it was the first, after the redemocratization, with a candidate to reelection. Being known about the great political and economical power that the municipal district of São Paulo has, here it comes the following subject: when the construction of a scenery of politic representation (CR-P) together with the rhetoric of the continuity, very frequent speech during a reelection campaign, do they guarantee an electoral victory? The electoral dispute of 2004 allowed that the traditional dispute between the petismo and the malufismo of last decades was substituted by the dispute between PT and PSDB . Therefore, the dispute, that was based on the person before and is based on the party now, could it be the consequence of a larger political understanding of the electorate from São Paulo? For us to understand the defeat of an administration that was being very appraised at the end of its administration, we noticed that we should analyze, besides PR-S, the person's from São Paulo electoral behavior, which was the calendar interpersonal of the electorate in 2004, the calendar-setting of the television media during the electoral year and also two main candidates' institutional calendar, for us to verify what would justify Marta Suplicy defeat. The media can alert and inform the voter about candidates' viability and also to transmit messages that influence the public opinion during the campaign. The communication means supply perspectives, they model candidates' images, as well as of the party, they help to promote the campaign themes and they differ the specific atmosphere and the area of relevance and of activity of each electoral competition. The construction of CR-P will be accompanied till the official end of the electoral campaign of 2004. It will be verified which were the preponderant constituent elements in the institutional calendar and in the media calendar / A campanha eleitoral para a prefeitura de São Paulo, em 2004, teve importância histórica, pois foi a primeira, depois da redemocratização, com um candidato à reeleição. Sabendo-se do grande poder político e econômico que o município de São Paulo possui, apresenta-se a seguinte questão: quando a construção de um cenário de representação da política (CR-P) juntamente com a retórica da continuidade, discurso muito freqüente durante uma campanha de reeleição, garantem um triunfo eleitoral? A disputa eleitoral de 2004 permitiu que a tradicional rivalidade entre o petismo e o malufismo das décadas passadas fosse substituída pelo embate entre o PT e o PSDB. A disputa, que antes era personalista e agora está partidarizada, poderia ser a conseqüência de uma maior conscientização política do eleitorado paulistano? Para entendermos a derrota de uma administração que estava sendo bem avaliada no final de sua gestão, percebemos que deveríamos analisar, além do CR-P, o comportamento eleitoral do paulistano, qual era a agenda interpessoal do eleitorado em 2004, a agendasetting da mídia televisiva durante o ano eleitoral e também a agenda institucional dos dois principais candidatos, para verificarmos o que justificaria a derrota de Marta Suplicy. A mídia pode alertar e informar o eleitor sobre a viabilidade dos candidatos e também veicular mensagens que influenciem a opinião pública durante a campanha. Os meios de comunicação fornecem perspectivas, modelam as imagens dos candidatos, assim como do partido, ajudam a promover os temas de campanha e diferem a atmosfera específica e a área de relevância e de atividade de cada competição eleitoral. A construção do CR-P será acompanhada até o final oficial da campanha eleitoral de 2004. Serão verificados quais foram os elementos constitutivos preponderantes na agenda institucional e na agenda da mídia

Submitted by Geandra Rodrigues (geandrar@gmail.com) on 2018-04-26T14:39:39Z No. of bitstreams: 1 vanildagomescantarinodemagalhaes.pdf: 1723088 bytes, checksum: 933a66aff04b35f333af436bf3bcc982 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2018-05-09T12:12:10Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 vanildagomescantarinodemagalhaes.pdf: 1723088 bytes, checksum: 933a66aff04b35f333af436bf3bcc982 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-05-09T12:12:10Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 vanildagomescantarinodemagalhaes.pdf: 1723088 bytes, checksum: 933a66aff04b35f333af436bf3bcc982 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-23 / A partir da mútua influência estabelecida entre os campos da mídia e da política, a presente dissertação se propõe a discutir inicialmente a centralidade do campo midiático na contemporaneidade e o crescente processo de midiatização da vida social. A pesquisa desenvolve um estudo sobre as estratégias políticas e midiáticas utilizadas pelos candidatos à Prefeitura de Juiz de Fora em 2016 – Bruno Siqueira (PMDB), Margarida Salomão (PT), Noraldino Junior (PSC) e Wilson Rezende (PSB) – a partir da análise dos programas do Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) e das respectivas fanpages. O estudo concentra-se durante o primeiro e o segundo turnos da eleição municipal de Juiz de Fora em 2016. Como fundamentação teórica, o artigo discute como a interface mídia e política gera uma campanha personalista e espetacular (GOMES, 2004; MANIN, 1995). São apresentados informações e dados sobre a regulamentação da propaganda eleitoral, que, em 2015, teve alterações e foi reduzida na mídia massiva (ALDÉ; BORBA, 2016), o papel da TV e o seu lugar de destaque no consumo de mídia em Juiz de Fora (CHAVES, 2016). Discute-se o papel da internet e das redes sociais em campanhas eleitorais no Brasil desde a eleição de 2010, que representou o marco da utilização desse novo tipo de mídia. Como técnica metodológica para análise dos dados, recorreu-se à Análise de Conteúdo (BARDIN, 1977). São analisados e catalogados, de acordo com Oliveira (2004), os segmentos de campanha e metacampanha, os tipos de linguagens utilizadas e se estas se adaptam à gramática da mídia. Nas fanpages, é analisado se há uma recorrência ou não dos temas tratados no HGPE e a ênfase nos segmentos de metacampanha. Parte-se da hipótese de que vivencia-se uma transição dos modelos de propaganda política, passando para um modelo híbrido entre mídias massivas e mídias digitais que se complementam. / Based on the mutual influence established between the fields of media and politics, this dissertation proposes to initially discuss the centrality of the media field in contemporary times and the growing process of mediatization of social life. The research develops a study on the political and media strategies used by candidates for the City of Juiz de Fora in 2016 – Bruno Siqueira (PMDB), Margarida Salomão (PT), Noraldino Junior (PSC) and Wilson Rezende (PSB) – from the analysis of the Free Election Hours (HGPE) programs and their respective fanpages. The study focuses on the first and second rounds of the municipal election of Juiz de Fora in 2016. As a theoretical foundation, the article discusses how the media and political interface generates a personalistic and spectacular campaign (GOMES, 2004; MANIN, 1995). Information and data on the regulation of electoral propaganda are presented, which, in 2015, changed and was reduced in the mass media (ALDÉ; BORBA, 2016), the role of TV and its place in media consumption in Juiz de Outside (CHAVES, 2016). We discuss the role of the Internet and social networks in electoral campaigns in Brazil since the 2010 election, which represented the milestone of the use of this new type of media. As a methodological technique for data analysis, we used Content Analysis (Bardin, 1977). According to Oliveira (2004), the campaign and metacampaign segments are analyzed and cataloged, the types of languages used and if these are adapted to the grammar of the media. In the fanpages it is analyzed whether there is a recurrence or not of the subjects treated in the HGPE and the emphasis in the segments of metacampanha. It starts from the hypothesis that we experience a transition from the models of political propaganda, moving to a hybrid model between mass media and digital media that complement each other.

The purpose of this essay is to examine the importance of personal election for candidates of foreign background. I made this, first, by map and comparing the candidates of foreign background in the recent Swedish and Finnish parliamentary election. Second, I analyze what conceptions candidates of foreign background, who was nominated in the 2006 municipal election in Örebro, have about the personal election. The result from the first study shows that personal election had a negative impact on candidates of foreign background in both the Swedish and Finnish parliamentary elections. The result from the second study shows that candidates of foreign background have both positive and negative conceptions about the personal election.