Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Toronto, 1991. / Includes abstract. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves [348]-357).

Thesis (M.A.)--Simon Greenleaf School of Law, 1982. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 212-244).

Thesis (M.A.B.S.)--Multnomah Biblical Seminary, 2001. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 78-86).

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2007. / Thesis Advisor(s): Jessica Piombo, Tuong Vu. "June 2007." Includes bibliographical references (p. 81-87). Also available in print.

No description available.

The research question this thesis asks is what accounts for the intra state variation of mosque building projects in Western Europe, using as case studies Britain, France, Germany and the Netherlands. Two mosque projects are considered in each case study state and two theories are proposed and tested: resources mobilization theory and opportunity structure theory. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

This dissertation has two aims. The first is to contribute toward our knowledge of changes in contemporary Anatolia in a coherent way, the second to provide the first systematic ethnographic account of the Alevi, a Shiite minority living in rural Turkey. From March 1988 until November 1989, I conducted fieldwork in a sub-province in the north-eastern part of central Anatolia, and returned for a brief visit in August 1990. The population of the sub-province is approximately 70,000; about 12,000 live in the only town, the remainder dispersed among 96 villages. I lived in one village but made frequent visits to others, and to the town. The people are Muslim, divided into two sects, Alevi and Sunni. 74 villages are Sunni and 20 Alevi, 2 villages contain both Alevi and Sunni. The town I estimare to be 90 per cent Sunni. The finding which I discuss in my dissertation is that the Sunni villages are more successful than the Alevi villages at moving into the modern world. More specifically, though most Sunni villages are declining in size, some are growing larger, and even turning into small towns. In striking and direct contrast to this, all the Alevi villages are losing population, so much so that the total Alevi population of the sub-province has diminished by more than half over the years 1980-1990. Similarly, whilst most Sunni men continue to confirm their faith, many Alevi men are becoming sceptical, some even doubting the existence of God. The model which I use to account for these findings suggests that the social order within the Sunni villages is compatible with being absorbed gradually into the national, centralised administrative system. In contrast to this, traditional Alevi culture is based on the idea that they have offered submission to an authority which is not that of the central government, but another which lies outside the jurisdiction of the central state. As the Alevi internalise their membership of modem Turkey, the right to solve disputes becomes transferred from indigenous mediators, whose position is supported by the traditional myths, to figures whose authority is sanctioned by central government. In addition, the Alevi settlements are much smaller than the Sunni; a number of them together are declared a village by the state, causing conflicts of loyalty, ownership and identity within their communities. In short, the dispersed nature of Alevi traditional settlement patterns and their uneasy relationship with central authority means that their communities cannot become part of modern Turkey without undergoing fatal disruption. In spite of the great upheavals in their communities, the Alevi do not become violent. Rather, their religion, which might be described as 'Shi'ite mystical Islam', loses it force as an instrument of social control, and, fused with Kemalism, becomes a secular humanitarian ethic by which they can lead their lives in the cities.

No description available.

Thesis advisor: Jonathan Laurence / What explains variation in local minority representation outcomes across Europe? I articulate a theory of residential segregation as a key driver of Muslim representation. I hypothesize that in cities where residential segregation is high, Muslims are more likely to display increased levels of descriptive representation and reduced public goods provision. Within a comparative, cross-national most-different-systems framework of England and France, I use a multi-method research design and exploit both quantitative and qualitative evidence to test these claims. I demonstrate that while segregation increases Muslims’ descriptive outcomes, it creates a population threshold, beyond which increases in segregation decrease their representation. I show, however, that the presence of Muslim councilors exerts a powerful countervailing effect on segregation’s detrimental impact on public spending. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2022. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Political Science.

The French Council for the Muslim Faith (CFCM) was formed in 2002 to act as an authoritative body for Muslims in France that it might regulate issues such as halal meat, holidays, and mosque construction, among others. A second intended role of the Council was to represent the interests of all Muslims in France that their interests might be communicated more effectively to the French government, that their growing place within French society and state might be legitimized, rather than pushed aside. Thus in this thesis, I pose this question: "Is the CFCM an effective representative of Muslims in France?" His thesis seeks to answer this question in three parts. First, I look at the political and electoral structure of the CFCM and assess representation as a result of this structure. Then, I examine the constituent groups of the CFCM and their internal controversies to consider the representation of Muslims in France by the greater CFCM. Finally, I consider instances where the CFCM has ruled or spoken in an official capacity on both religious and social issues to demonstrate that the Council is effective at representation in some areas but not others. I ultimately conclude that by and large, the Council is not an effective representative for all Muslims in France, except in very limited circumstances. I further conclude that the Council is more effective at representing a large portion of faithful Muslims in France, but still not all. / Master of Arts