Submitted by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2017-08-22T12:07:50Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_MILENE_MORAES_DE_FIGUEIREDO_COMPLETO.pdf: 3993424 bytes, checksum: d28445cb3de273d8478f161e516e71c4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-22T12:07:50Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DIS_MILENE_MORAES_DE_FIGUEIREDO_COMPLETO.pdf: 3993424 bytes, checksum: d28445cb3de273d8478f161e516e71c4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-07-31 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Cient?fico e Tecnol?gico - CNPq / The present dissertation investigates the policy of nationalization of the education of the estadonovista period from the case of the Gin?sio Teuto-Brasileiro Farroupilha, private institution of teaching funded by german immigrants and descendants in the year of 1886. It was a laic school, that even the advent of the New State sought to preserve the language, the culture and the ?german spirit?. From the establishment of the nationalization politics of the teaching, the institutional ideias clashed with the new government and to continue functioning the school had to prove that it was nationalizing itself. In this context, the school had twice decreed its closure, but managed to survive. We seek to analyze which strategies found by the institution to survive to the estadonovista period by one side proving to the governmental organs that it was nationalizing itself, yet by other finding resistance strategies to not leave totally aside it?s german characteristics. Considering the school and the nationalization campaign as a field both educational and political, the study is inscribed in the theoretical-methodological assumptions of the Cultural History of the Political, Conceptual History of the Political and History of Education. Are emphasized the relations of power and the forms that the estadonovistas policies are received by the school community. It was given emphasis to the phenomenon of the resistance as historiographic political concept starting from the contributions of Vin?cius Liebel, Pierre Laborie, Denise Rollemberg, Jacques S?melin, Gene Sharp, Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault e P?erre Ansart. It was privileged the analysis of two correspondences that reunite messages exchanged between, estadual and federal authorities and the school, as the internal mailing exchanged inside the school environment.As complementary sources, stood out the reports of inspection, mailing of the school council, school periodics, the memorialistic book of the school and interviews with former students. The comparative of the official correspondence with the internal documentation of the institution allowed to perceive that the institution did not accepted the governmental determinations in a passive manner, crossing this period with an ambiguous posture, sometimes adhering, other fighting the regime and sometimes resisting. Therefore, the school ?nationalized? itself, however the process also counted with resistance tactics an issue that deserves highlight and that it is little analyzed in the historiography estadonovista. We considerate the resistance to the policies of nationalization of the teaching as a micro resistance of the New Estate, because despite the effort of the school in demonstrate that it was adhering to the new regime, it contribute to that it didn't perform fully its objectives of homogenize the population. Even that discreetly, elements of the German culture continue to be preserved and many of its former students and descendants cultivated the German language until today. The analysis of the case of the Gin?sio Teuto-Brasileiro Farroupilha also allows to comprehend the process of nationalization in general form, considering that the gray area, the repression and the constant vigilance that was not a prerogative exclusive of this institution. / A presente disserta??o investiga a pol?tica de nacionaliza??o do ensino do per?odo estadonovista a partir do caso do Gin?sio Teuto-Brasileiro Farroupilha, institui??o privada de ensino fundada por imigrantes alem?es e descendentes no ano de 1886. Tratava-se de uma escola laica, que at? o advento do Estado Novo buscava preservar a l?ngua, a cultura e o ?esp?rito alem?o?. A partir do estabelecimento da pol?tica da nacionaliza??o do ensino, os ideais institucionais entraram em choque com do novo governo e para continuar em funcionamento a escola precisou provar que estava se nacionalizando. Nesse contexto, a escola teve duas vezes decretado seu fechamento, mas conseguiu sobreviver. Procuramos analisar quais as estrat?gias encontradas pela institui??o para sobreviver ao per?odo estadonovista por um lado comprovando para os ?rg?os governamentais que estava se nacionalizando, mas por outro encontrando estrat?gias de resist?ncia para n?o deixar totalmente de lado suas caracter?sticas germ?nicas. Considerando a escola e a campanha de nacionaliza??o como um campo tanto educacional quanto pol?tico, o estudo inscreve-se nos pressupostos te?rico-metodol?gicos da Hist?ria Cultural do Pol?tico, Hist?ria Conceitual do Pol?tico e Hist?ria da Educa??o. S?o enfatizadas as rela??es de poder e as formas como as pol?ticas estadonovistas s?o recebidas pela comunidade escolar. Deu-se destaque ao fen?meno da resist?ncia como conceito pol?tico historiogr?fico a partir das contribui??es de Vin?cius Liebel, Pierre Laborie, Denise Rollemberg, Jacques S?melin, Gene Sharp, Michel de Certeau, Michel Foucault e Pierre Ansart. Privilegiou-se a an?lise de dois tomos de correspond?ncia que re?nem mensagens trocadas entre as autoridades estaduais, federais e o col?gio, assim como cartas internas trocadas dentro do ambiente escolar. Como fontes suplementares, destacam-se relat?rios de inspe??o, correspond?ncias do conselho escolar, peri?dicos escolares, o livro memorial?stico da escola e entrevistas realizadas com ex-estudantes. A compara??o das correspond?ncias oficiais com a documenta??o interna da institui??o permitiu perceber que a institui??o n?o aceitou as determina??es governamentais de forma passiva, atravessando esse per?odo com uma postura amb?gua, por vezes aderindo, outras enfrentando o regime e algumas vezes resistindo. Assim, a escola se ?nacionalizou?, mas o processo tamb?m contou com t?ticas de resist?ncias, quest?o que merece destaque e que ainda ? pouco analisada na historiografia estadonovista. Consideramos a resist?ncia ? pol?tica de nacionaliza??o do ensino como uma microrresist?ncia do Estado Novo, pois apesar do esfor?o da escola em demonstrar ades?o ao novo regime, ela contribuiu para que ele n?o realizasse plenamente seus objetivos de homogeneizar a popula??o. Ainda que de forma discreta, elementos da cultura germ?nica continuaram sendo preservados e muitos de seus ex-alunos e descendentes cultivam a l?ngua germ?nica at? hoje. A an?lise do caso do Gin?sio Teuto-Brasileiro Farroupilha tamb?m permite compreender o processo de nacionaliza??o de maneira geral, considerando que a zona cinzenta, a repress?o e a constante vigil?ncia n?o foi uma prerrogativa exclusiva dessa institui??o.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T14:27:26Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 HamiltonVS_DISSERT.pdf: 4435351 bytes, checksum: 46bb7fcd60df7be237b6594b7d32e99a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-08-27 / There is a clear relationship between citizenship and labor market. While foreign nationals are equal in dignity and rights in the laws governing the employment of this labor force. Motivated by reasons of state security or political direction, such laws to a greater or lesser degree, create establish a system of worker protection in the face of the foreign national. These rules have a direct impact on economic regulation, as they can affect the supply of skilled labor or not, articulating with the economic order envisaged by the 1988 Constitution. The Constitution adopts several principles in its economic order, so that the issues involving the rules of the nationalization of all work must be considered in a systematic way, one can not choose a pleasure interpreter. The nationalization of the work rules are not unique to Brazil, similar rules exist in several countries of South America and Africa. In Europe they already existed, but lost out on the basis of treaties setting up the European Union, although other mechanisms are used for the purpose of protecting the citizens of the member states, making policies equal treatment legislation symbolic. The nationalization of the work rules governing the relationship between nationality and the labor market and are in a legal category, which has a function to fulfill in the Brazilian legal system. Not all rules nationalization violate the principle of equality, as it is possible, depending on the circumstance indeed adopt a criterion that implies differentiation between nationals and foreigners. The Constitution has a will arising from its normative force, so that the assumptions it (constitution) used to discriminate may also be possible by ordinary legislation, since the situation is actually justifiably constitutional / Existe uma inequ?voca rela??o entre nacionalidade e mercado de trabalho. Embora os estrangeiros sejam iguais aos nacionais em dignidade e direitos, as legisla??es disciplinam o emprego desta for?a de trabalho, criando uma prefer?ncia aos cidad?os nacionais. Motivados por imperativos de Seguran?a do Estado ou por direcionamento pol?tico, tais legisla??es, em maior ou menor grau, estabelecem um sistema de prote??o do trabalhador nacional em face do estrangeiro. Essas normas t?m impacto direto na regula??o econ?mica, porquanto afetam a oferta de m?o de obra especializada, dada sua articula??o com as regras da Ordem econ?mica preconizada pela Constitui??o de 1988. A Constitui??o adota diversos princ?pios em sua ordem econ?mica, de forma que na resolu??o dos conflitos que envolvem as regras da nacionaliza??o do trabalho, todos estes devem ser levados em considera??o, n?o se podendo escolher um isoladamente, ao livre prazer do int?rprete. As regras de nacionaliza??o do trabalho n?o s?o uma exclusividade do Brasil, existindo regras semelhantes em v?rios pa?ses da Am?rica do Sul e da ?frica. Na Europa elas j? existiram, mas perderam espa?o em fun??o dos tratados de constitui??o da Uni?o Europeia, embora, outros mecanismos sejam usados para fins de proteger os cidad?os dos Estados membros, tornando as diretivas de igualdade de tratamento uma legisla??o simb?lica. As regras de nacionaliza??o do trabalho disciplinam a rela??o entre nacionalidade e mercado de trabalho e se constituem em uma categoria jur?dica, que tem uma fun??o a cumprir no ordenamento jur?dico brasileiro. Nem todas as regras de nacionaliza??o violam o princ?pio da isonomia, pois ? poss?vel, a depender da circunst?ncia de fato, adotar-se crit?rio que implique em diferencia??es entre nacionais e estrangeiros. A Constitui??o tem uma vontade decorrente de sua for?a normativa, de modo que os pressupostos que ela (constitui??o) usa para discriminar, podem, tamb?m, ser viabilizados pela legisla??o ordin?ria, desde que a situa??o de fato seja justificadamente constitucional

Submitted by Caroline Xavier (caroline.xavier@pucrs.br) on 2017-10-11T19:56:59Z No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_MARCOS_JUVENCIO_DE_MORAES_COMPLETO.pdf: 4410550 bytes, checksum: 7acb71927748464a2c4295e80a03ce2b (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-10-11T19:56:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 TES_MARCOS_JUVENCIO_DE_MORAES_COMPLETO.pdf: 4410550 bytes, checksum: 7acb71927748464a2c4295e80a03ce2b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-08-29 / The present work results from the analysis and investigations of the political and educational situation of Santa Catarina in the period between 1911 and 1945, regarding state oligarchic relations, partisan and personal disputes, transformations in the education system and ethnic-political conflicts. The composition of political-economic groups as from the turn of the Empire into the First Republic and the proceedings of such groups until 1945 are here studied. The educational actions (educational reforms) carried out during the terms of Vidal Ramos (1911-1914), Ptolomeu de Assis Brasil/Rui Zobaran (1930-1933), and Nereu Ramos (1935-1945) are investigated, aiming to understand those political periods and the purposes of these rulers at their times. An attempt is made to look at how the disputes occurred under the scenarios of a republican, liberal State and an intervening Estado Novo, as well as the composition of a nationalist model for the governmental action in Santa Catarina. It is tried to ascertain the composition of the political oligarchies and how they relate to education in Santa Catarina, especially the political-educational practices of the Ramos oligarchy, whose members, in certain periods of the history of Santa Catarina, have occupied notorious public and political offices, implementing patriotic acts in school environment as part of an education program capable of modifying the social reality to their own benefit. It is sought to describe and analyze the characteristics of the republican first educational reform (performed under the tenure of Vidal Ramos), the educational reform of the provisional government (performed under the tenure of Ptolomeu de Assis Brasil and Rui Zobaran), and the educational reform of the Estado Novo (performed under the tenure of Nereu Ramos), linking each to the others in their divergences and continuities. We will then comprehend that family ties between the governors, the patriotic education model implemented and the purposes on using school as to form citizens shaped by the rules of the State make some of the connections between the reforms. On the other hand, we will see that the depth of the educational actions, historical moments of nation and state, and some innovations on the laws constitute differences between them. / Este trabalho ? resultado de an?lises e investiga??es sobre a realidade pol?tica e educacional de Santa Catarina, no per?odo de 1911 a 1945, levando em considera??o rela??es olig?rquicas estatuais, disputas partid?rias e pessoais, transforma??es no sistema de ensino, e atritos ?tnico-pol?ticos. Estuda-se a composi??o de grupos pol?tico-econ?micos a partir da virada do Imp?rio para a Primeira Rep?blica, e o comportamento desses grupos at? 1945. Investigam-se as a??es educativas (reformas do ensino) dos governos Vidal Ramos (1911-1914), Ptolomeu de Assis Brasil/Rui Zobaran (1930-1933), e Nereu Ramos (1935-1945), tentando compreender os per?odos pol?ticos e os objetivos dos governantes, naqueles momentos. Faz-se uma tentativa de ver como se processaram as disputas num contexto de Estado Liberal republicano e de um Estado Interventor estadonovista, al?m da composi??o de um modelo nacionalista de atua??o governamental catarinense. Tenta-se verificar a composi??o das oligarquias pol?ticas e suas rela??es com a educa??o catarinense, principalmente as pr?ticas pol?tico-educacionais da oligarquia Ramos, que, em determinados per?odos da hist?ria catarinense, ocupou cargos p?blicos e pol?ticos importantes, implementando a??es patri?ticas no meio escolar como parte de um plano de ensino capaz de modificar a realidade social, em benef?cio pr?prio. Busca-se descrever e analisar as caracter?sticas da primeira Reforma do Ensino republicana (empreendida na gest?o Vidal Ramos), da Reforma do Ensino do Governo Provis?rio (empreendida por Ptolomeu de Assis Brasil e Rui Zobaran), e da Reforma do Ensino do Estado Novo (empreendida pela gest?o Nereu Ramos), relacionando-as em suas rupturas e continuidades. Compreenderemos que os la?os de parentesco entre os governos, o modelo educacional patri?tico que se implantou e os objetivos de usar da escola para forma??o de um cidad?o moldado ?s regras do Estado constituem alguns dos la?os de continuidades estre as reformas. Por outro lado, veremos que a intensidade das a??es educativas, o momento hist?rico internacional, nacional e estadual, e algumas inova??es legislativas, constituem diferen?as entre elas.