El principal problema que afronta el valle Nasca, es la falta del recurso hídrico superficial, motivado por la escasa precipitación pluvial y el pésimo manejo del recurso hídrico existente, este último provocado por el desorden en la distribución del recurso y las condiciones precarias de la infraestructura de riego, lo cual produce una alta pérdida por infiltración, lo que trae como consecuencia la salinización de los suelos en la parte baja del valle. La principal actividad productiva de la provincia de Nasca es la agricultura, y ante la carencia del agua superficial los agricultores recurren como alternativa de solución, a la explotación de las aguas subterráneas, sin el conocimiento técnico necesario. Teniendo la necesidad del recurso hídrico se realizo el estudio de prospección geofísica con la finalidad de obtener áreas favorables, para las posibles perforaciones de pozos tubulares profundos, la cual la población serán los mas beneficiados. En la actualidad, la prospección geofísica ha aumentado su aplicación en la hidrogeología ayudando a solucionar lo siguiente: - Estimar la profundidad del basamento. - Determinar la extensión lateral, espesor y volumen del acuífero. - Determinar la salinidad de las aguas. - Determinar las reservas de un acuífero

No description available.

Este trabalho buscou sistematizar e analisar artefatos da cerâmica ritual Mochica e Nasca, pertencentes a coleções de diversos museus, cuja morfologia ou iconografia pode ser atribuída às representações de personagens portando ou tocando flautas de pã. Partimos da premissa de que estas representações aparecem em um conjunto de artefatos cerâmicos produzidos de acordo com uma normatização rígida, controlada por elites de poder político-religioso de uma sociedade hierarquicamente estruturada. Assim, a forma como os músicos estão representados na cerâmica pode revelar muito sobre seu papel social, sua relação com as estruturas de poder locais, bem como sobre a simbologia desse instrumento sonoro nas cosmovisões Mochica e Nasca, nos Andes Pré- Colombianos. / This paper aims to systematize and analyse the artifacts pertaining to a variety of museum\'s collections, which iconography or morphology can be ascribed to depictions of characters holding or playing panpipes on Moche and Nasca ritual pottery. We start from the premise that these representations appear in a set of ceramic artifacts produced according to a rigid standardization, controlled by elites holding the political and religious power. Thus, the way these musicians are displayed on pottery can reveal much about their social role, the imaginary place they hold in the minds of the Moche and Nasca peoples, their relation to the worldview and with their local power structures, as well as the symbolism of this instrument to these societies in the Pre-Columbian Andes.

This dissertation applies the contextual approach, as outlined by Patrick Carmichael, to the rock art of the Nasca Valley (Grande River System, Department of Ica, Peru). This approach uses different sources of information so as to construct a basic, indigenous framework within which to view and interpret the subject matter of an art object for which there is no written information due to its age. In this dissertation, I used information about the local environment and archaeology, as well as the art historical methods of formal and iconographic analyses. Comparative information was provided through ethnographic analogy to Andean myths and practices. Data for this study was gathered in a rock art survey that was carried out during the spring of 2000. This survey covered the lower part of the Nasca valley, downriver from the site of Cahuachi and southwest from the Nasca Pampa, site of the greatest concentration of geoglyphs in the south coast. Information about the location, orientation, and the relationship to archaeological and natural features, gathered in the survey, are examined in order to provide informed hypotheses about Nasca Valley rock art's function and use. The study reveals that rock art sites may have marked points of transition in the natural and cultural landscape. A concern for water is also suggested by the location and orientation of the rock art, and petroglyphs that display evidence of liquid pouring may also relate to local water sources. Using a study of form and iconography, rock art motifs in the Grande River System are separated into types and groups according to similarities to datable, portable art and to geoglyphs, providing a tentative time frame for their making. In the Nasca Valley, one period of petroglyph making activity is contemporary to Paracas Cavernas and another dates to the Early Intermediate Period (Nasca). On the upper valleys such as Palpa, Aja, and Santa Cruz, petroglyph-making activity seems to be largely associated to Paracas Necropolis and there does not seem to be Nasca rock art at those locations. With this contextual information at hand, I provide a re-evaluation of the Nasca Mythical Killer Whale motif, which is depicted in two Nasca Valley rock art sites. I propose using a new name for this motif: The Aquatic Composite Being. The location and iconography of this motif's petroglyphs provide additional information that contributes to our understanding of the meaning of this motif in Nasca art. / text

Este trabalho buscou sistematizar e analisar artefatos da cerâmica ritual Mochica e Nasca, pertencentes a coleções de diversos museus, cuja morfologia ou iconografia pode ser atribuída às representações de personagens portando ou tocando flautas de pã. Partimos da premissa de que estas representações aparecem em um conjunto de artefatos cerâmicos produzidos de acordo com uma normatização rígida, controlada por elites de poder político-religioso de uma sociedade hierarquicamente estruturada. Assim, a forma como os músicos estão representados na cerâmica pode revelar muito sobre seu papel social, sua relação com as estruturas de poder locais, bem como sobre a simbologia desse instrumento sonoro nas cosmovisões Mochica e Nasca, nos Andes Pré- Colombianos. / This paper aims to systematize and analyse the artifacts pertaining to a variety of museum\'s collections, which iconography or morphology can be ascribed to depictions of characters holding or playing panpipes on Moche and Nasca ritual pottery. We start from the premise that these representations appear in a set of ceramic artifacts produced according to a rigid standardization, controlled by elites holding the political and religious power. Thus, the way these musicians are displayed on pottery can reveal much about their social role, the imaginary place they hold in the minds of the Moche and Nasca peoples, their relation to the worldview and with their local power structures, as well as the symbolism of this instrument to these societies in the Pre-Columbian Andes.

The Wari in their Local Context: Nasca and SondondoThis paper presents archaeological data from the Sondondo valley (provincia Lucanas, Ayacucho),and the Nasca region of the south coast of Peru, and attempts to elucidate the nature of the Wari occupation in each region. In the case of Sondondo, a large Wari site, Jincamocco, was established in MH 1B. During the remainder of the Middle Horizon, three additional sites were built, agricultural terracing was constructed, and local villages were relocated. In the case of Nasca, the site of Pacheco was established, as well as a small site at Pataraya; we also find two small Wari cemeteries with above-ground tombs in the upper valley. It appears that agricultural terraces were co-opted, and the local political system underwent a major reorganization. The two regions are compared on the basis of political and economic reorganization associated with the Wari presence. It is suggested that research to date indicates that the expansion of Wari was a largely political phenomenon, with strong elements of both the economic and religious spheres. / Este trabajo ofrece datos provenientes del valle de Sondondo, provincia de Lucanas, Ayacucho, y de Nasca, de la costa sur, e intenta elucidar la naturaleza de la ocupación wari en cada una de estas regiones. En el Horizonte Medio 1B, en el caso de Sondondo, se estableció un sitio de grandes dimensiones, Jincamocco, mientras que en el resto del Horizonte Medio se construyeron tres sitios adicionales, andenes, y se reubicaron pueblos locales. En el caso de Nasca, se estableció el sitio de Pacheco y otro menor llamado Patayara; en el valle superior había dos pequeños cementerios wari con tumbas sobre el suelo. Al parecer, se controlaba el acceso a las terrazas agrícolas y el sistema político local sufrió una reestructuración importante. Se comparan las dos regiones sobre la base de la reorganización política y económica asociada con la  presencia wari. Se sugiere que la investigación realizada hasta la fecha indica que la expansión wari fue un fenómeno en gran parte político, con importantes elementos tanto en la esfera económica como en la religiosa.

No description available.

During 2014, research undertaken at the sites of Cerro San Bernardo (ACO3; 2,000 m above sea level) and Challaca (CH1; 2,015 m above sea level) revealed the first documented Nasca sites (260 B.C – A.D. 640) in the yunga ecozone of the upper drainage of the Ica River. Both sites also demonstrated evidence of an even earlier, Early Horizon occupation (840 – 260 B.C.). These two sites are located on small, mainly granite, knolls situated on the Northern and Southern banks of the upper drainage of the Ica River. From these sites, it is possible to oversee an extensive area of cultivation that extends from the mountains to the East down to the Western boundary of the Challaca-Tiraxi Canyon. An area, which these sites could well have controlled. Geographically, the canyon divides the Ica Highlands from the coastal area, giving this juncture geopolitical importance. It is possible that the strategic location of this Nasca enclave in the Ica Highlands was aimed at controlling access between coastal polities and highland sectors, while exploiting this zones rich, high-altitude resources. Probably, occupation of this strategic sector commenced during the Early Horizon (840 – 260 B.C.), pointing to a long presence by coastal groups in the highlands. The aim of this article then, is to tease-out patterns of control, interaction, and the type of frontier in existence between the Nasca and coeval, neighboring, highland cultural groups, thereby providing new evidence concerning Nasca presence in the upper drainage of the Ica River. / Las investigaciones iniciadas en el año 2014 en el Cerro San Bernardo (ACO3; 2000 metros sobre el nivel del mar) y Challaca (CH1; 2015 metros sobre el nivel del mar) nos han permitido hallar los primeros sitios Nasca (260 a.C a 640 d.C.) en la ecozona yunga de la cuenca alta del río Ica. Los dos sitios también registran la posibilidad de una ocupación aún más temprana que se remonta al Horizonte Temprano (840 a 260 a.C.). Estos dos sitios se ubican sobre cerros pequeños, que están conformados principalmente por granito, y que se localizan al norte y sur sobre los márgenes de la cuenca alta del río Ica. Desde estos sitios, se puede divisar una extensa área de cultivo que se extiende desde los cerros al este, hasta el oeste y el límite del cañón de Challaca-Tiraxi, la cual podría estar bajo su control. Geográficamente, el cañón divide la sierra de Ica del área costera, a partir de lo cual le brinda una ubicación geopolítica importante. Es posible que la localización estratégica de este enclave Nasca en la sierra de Ica haya sido para controlar el acceso desde las sociedades costeras a los sectores de la sierra, mientras se nutría de los recursos de esta rica zona alta. Probablemente, la ocupación de este punto estratégico se inició durante el Horizonte Temprano (840 a 260 a.C.), lo cual significaría una presencia larga por parte de los grupos costeños en la sierra. Ante este contexto, el objetivo del presente trabajo es indagar sobre los patrones de control, interacción y el tipo de frontera entre los Nasca y los grupos culturales serranos, vecinos, sincrónicos, aportando nuevas evidencias sobre la presencia Nasca en la cuenca alta del río Ica.

In this paper I report on a study whose principal aim is to understand the development and decline of the southern Peruvian Nasca culture in the upper Río Grande de Nasca drainage, and its cultural and biological affinities to the preceding Paracas culture. Ancient DNA analyses were conducted on over 300 pre-Columbian individuals from various cemeteries in southern Perú, from periods ranging from the Formative Period to the Middle Horizon. Our results show that the Nasca populations are close related to those of the preceding Paracas culture, and combined with archaeological data, suggest that the Nasca culture was autochthonous to the Río Grande drainage. Furthermore, one can observe how changes in socioeconomic complexity influence the genetic diversity. The pre-Columbian coastal populations of southern Perú differ significantly from both ancient highland and all present-day Peruvian populations. The genetic differentiation between the main cultural areas of western South America seems to fade with the Middle Horizon. / Se presenta aquí un estudio cuyo objetivo principal es la comprensión del desarrollo y decadencia de la cultura Nasca en la parte alta de la cuenca del Río Grande de Nasca, así como sus afinidades biológicas y culturales con su antecesora, la cultura Paracas. Se realizaron análisis de ADN antiguo en más de 300 individuos procedentes de varios cementerios prehispánicos del sur del Perú correspondientes a un lapso que se inicia en el Período Formativo y alcanza el Horizonte Medio. Los resultados muestran que las poblaciones nasca son cercanas a las de su cultura precedente. Esta información, combinada con los datos arqueológicos, sugiere que la cultura Nasca se desarrolló, de manera autóctona, en la cuenca del Río Grande. Más aún, se puede observar que los cambios socioeconómicos de este período influyeron en la diversidad genética. Las poblaciones prehispánicas costeñas del sur del Perú difieren, significativamente, de las antiguas poblaciones de la sierra y de las poblaciones peruanas actuales. La diferenciación genética entre las principales áreas culturales de la parte oeste de Sudamérica parece desaparecer en el Horizonte Medio.

Except rare exceptions, the Paracas society of the Ica valley has been extensively studied from decontextualized materials, including pottery collected from clandestine tomb excavations in the Ocucaje basin. From the stylistic analysis of these pieces, which also included Nasca specimens, the hypothesis was elaborated that assumed the birth from the Paracas, expressed in the well-known axiom «transition paracas-nasca». The works carried out in Cerro Córdova and those that since 2009 are carried out in Ánimas Altas, within the framework of the investigations of the authors, are the first of a systematic nature in the lower valley of Ica. Recovered archaeological contexts do not reflect this process of cultural transition, but rather a process of cultural parallelism, followed by cultural readaptation dynamics. From this perspective,the Paracas of the valley of Ica would adapt to the new political-religious and hegemonic schemes that began to be formed during the early Intermediate Period in the basin of the Rio Grande de Nasca, and that characterized the Nasca entity. / Salvo raras excepciones, la sociedad paracas del valle de Ica ha sido largamente estudiada a partir de materiales descontextualizados, entre los cuales destaca la cerámica recolectada de excavaciones clandestinas de tumbas en la cuenca deOcucaje. A partir del análisis estilístico de estas piezas, que incluyeron también especímenes nasca, se elaboró una hipótesis que suponía un origen nasca a partir de los paracas, expresado en el conocido axioma «transición paracas-nasca». Los trabajos realizados en Cerro Córdova y aquellos que desde 2009 se realizan en Ánimas Altas en el marco de las investigaciones de los autores son los primeros de carácter sistemático en el valle bajo de Ica. Los contextos arqueológicos recuperados no reflejan ese proceso de transición cultural, sino, más bien, un proceso de paralelismo cultural seguido de una dinámica de readaptación cultural. Desde esta perspectiva, los paracas del valle de Ica se adaptarían a los nuevos esquemas político-religiosos y hegemónicos que comenzaron a configurarse durante los inicios del Intermedio Temprano en la cuenca del río Grande de Nasca, y que caracterizaron a la entidad nasca.