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After the Japanese colonization of Taiwan in 1895, colonial and diplomatic officials sought to encourage, regulate, and surveil the movement of individuals from Taiwan to the south China treaty-ports by conferring upon those who traveled there the legal designation Taiwan sekimin, or “registered Taiwanese.” Japanese officials and sekimin alike fashioned the Taiwan’s inhabitants, their capital, their socio-economic networks, and Taiwan’s colonial institutions as the basis for expanding the Japanese empire’s political and economic influence. This legal status afforded sekimin the extraterritorial protection of local Japanese consulates and subjected them to consular oversight. Over time, the category of Taiwan sekimin was expanded to include local and overseas Chinese whose support Japanese officials sought to garner. This dissertation charts the transformation of Taiwan sekimin as a juridical and social category and argues that it was central to Japanese colonial policy in Taiwan and imperial ambitions in south China. By tracing these changes, this dissertation shows how efforts by Japanese and Chinese officials, as well as by sekimin themselves, drew upon and reshaped the existing social and commercial networks that linked Taiwan to the south China treaty-ports and conditioned Japanese imperial and Chinese imperial and national state formation in south China. Taiwan sekimin ranged from wealthy elites, petty merchants, and doctors and other professionals trained in colonial Taiwan, to young anti-colonial activists drawn to China, criminal elements who formed gangs, and disreputable proprietors of opium and gambling establishments. Diverse though the category was, the status of Taiwan sekimin became, at times, the basis of individuals’ appealing for Japanese consular protection, and at others, the basis of Japanese officials’ laying claim to exercising jurisdiction over individuals considered Japanese subjects. By exploring how Taiwan sekimin individuals both supported and challenged the ideologies and institutions of the Japanese empire at its margins, this dissertation reveals their role in entrenching a Japanese imperial sphere across and beyond the region between 1895 and the start of the Second Sino-Japanese War in 1937. The legal and spatial bounds of Taiwan sekimin as a juridical and social category were central to intra-imperial and inter-imperial contestations for power in south China. Contention over the Japanese empire’s economic and political ambitions led to contestation over the legal boundaries of Taiwan sekimin between Japanese colonial officials in Taiwan and local consular officials, who sought to regulate the mobility of people, ideas, and capital between Taiwan and the treaty-ports. Over time, Japanese officials also sought to channel the support of sekimin through new institutions. These institutions expanded the spatial scope of jurisdictional contests within and beyond the treaty-ports and thus the scope of imperial power; these institutions also rendered Japanese imperial ambitions more contingent on the support of the sekimin. Chinese local, national, and diplomatic officials also actively challenged the legality of sekimin status and the inclusion of individuals these officials considered Chinese nationals under its purview, particularly after the rise to power of the Chinese Nationalist Party (Guomindang) in the late 1920s. In the 1930s, the concept of Taiwan sekimin was increasingly at odds with Chinese national conceptions of social and economic order. This dissertation shows that, in this context, conflicts involving sekimin were not just local scuffles to be resolved on the interpersonal level but laden with ideological import, leaving the sekimin caught between the logics of empire and nation. This dissertation draws on Japanese- and Chinese-language materials from Japan, Taiwan, and China. It reads official sources “along the grain” to reveal the logic that organized knowledge production about the sekimin and “against the grain” to reconstruct a history largely beyond the purview of bureaucratic institutions. By exploring the competing inter- and intra-imperial claims to authority over Taiwan sekimin, this dissertation argues that jurisdictional contestation had legal and spatial implications in linking Chinese national and Japanese imperial state formation in south China.

En utilisant le cas d’étude d’une grande ville ukrainienne, Odessa, multiculturelle et russo- phone, nous tâcherons de mettre en évidence la discordance entre les mesures politiques de «nation building » (et leur qualité) adoptées par le Parlement, leur renégociation et ap- plication au niveau local et la manière dont cela affecte l’identité de la population et la per- ception d’une « nation ukrainienne » dans la ville, de façon à nous concentrer sur l’impor- tance de l’attitude de la population dans un projet de «nation building ». A ce propos nous allons montrer le rôle de première importance joué par les Ukrainiens dans le projet de construction nationale entamé par les élites politiques après l’indépendance ukrainienne de 1991. L’expression « nation building » est souvent utilisée dans la littérature pour se ré- férer aux mesures politiques émises par le Parlement ; Par contre l’expression « construc- tion nationale » ou « construction de la nation » semble se prêter à plusieurs interpréta- tions et n’exclut pas la participation de la population au projet. Par exemple, tandis que le « nation building » est lié à des politiques mises en œuvre dans le cadre d’un État, si l’on parle d’une « construction nationale » on ne se réfère pas forcement à un État. C’est pour- quoi, au cours de cette thèse on gardera les deux expressions pour suggérer que l’expression construction nationale montre une attitude plus ouverte à observer les différentes in- teractions entre la population et les élites politiques.

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Brown University, 2008. / Vita. Advisor : Julio Ortega. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 202-205).

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Murdoch University, 2009. / Thesis submitted to the Faculty of Arts and Education. Includes bibliographical references (p. 319-364)

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Rutgers University, 2008. / "Graduate Program in Political Science." Includes bibliographical references (p. 537-553).

Magister Artium - MA / Between the 1917 Russian Revolution and demise of the Soviet Union, the communist Other, as godless deviant and arch enemy of the capitalist state, inhabited a specific space in the minds and imaginations of much of the Western world. S/he was one to be feared, one to be guarded against, and if possible, one to be suppressed by political, ideological, or military means. Such conditions contributed to the widespread suppression and banning of communist and communist aligned organisations. In South Africa this coincided with the rise of Afrikaner nationalism, and the consolidation and reconfiguration of 'white' supremacy in the form of apartheid. After a marginal National Party (NP) victory in 1948, the Suppression of Communism Act (1950) and the 'Rooi Gevaar' became synonymous with dissent and revolution within and beyond the apartheid state. For example, it was on these grounds that a series of high profile political trials – the Treason, Rivonia, and Fischer Trials – would be fought and lost on the first occasion. Each trial was based upon the assertion that the accused were communists or involved in a Soviet conspiracy that intended to depose the apartheid government through violent revolution. Conversely, communism is now popularly invoked in relation to narratives of struggle and the ‘triumph of the human spirit over adversity', in which new and now old allies defeated the evil of apartheid, and ushered in an era of freedom, democracy, and reconciliation. As a result, communism and the SACP (the dominant political organisation associated with communism) have been incorporated into national histories that narrate the African National Congress' (ANC's) struggle and victory over apartheid, which culminated in Nelson Mandela and other political leaders returning to supposedly fulfil their destiny by ‘freeing the people’ from totalitarian rule.Having said this, I argue that the suppression of communism goes far beyond the limiting horizons of popularised political and ideological discourse, or indeed, violent acts of torture and murder directed towards those deemed to be a threat to the ‘nation’. In other words, debates surrounding communism are not merely representative of the state’s oppressive policies towards anti-apartheid activists, the global conflict between capitalism and communism, or popular narratives of suffering and struggle against apartheid. Alternatively, they were (and are) intimately linked with a nation-building project which, unlike violence sanctioned by the state or reconciled – at least on the surface – through symbolic acts like the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (TRC), has been difficult to exorcise, come to terms with, and diminish in the contemporary. Put another way, although communism is intrinsically associated with the class struggle and class politics in South Africa, it was in fact driven by and interwoven with racist ideologies upon which apartheid and British colonialism before that were founded. With these debates in mind, this mini-thesis will attempt to remove communism from conventional discourses and re-place it within debates surrounding nation-building, and the formation of different subjectivities. This will be carried out not only as an attempt to "overcome the limitations of ideology" and further deconstruct legacies of oppression and violence, but also to think with the ways in which different groups perceive, mobilise and appropriate ideology as a means to foreclose resistance and reaffirm and maintain nationalist hierarchies of power within society. This mini-thesis will begin by exploring the ways in which communism has been perceived in South Africa. More specifically, it will consider how the idea of communism was mobilised and appropriated in relation to apartheid's nation-building project. It will also thematically engage with the ways in which mythologies surrounding communism traversed the supposedly rational and irrational worlds, and, in the latter stages of this mini-thesis, will attempt to develop an argument – using Bram Fischer as subject – based upon Jacques Derrida’s notion of the communist spectre, and the importance of the messianic or, more importantly, the prophet in history. / Centre for Humanities Research (CHR), University of the Western Cape

Since the end of the Cold War, there has been a surge in post-war stabilisation, reconstruction and development operations around the world. Externally driven efforts have been shaped by the liberal peace framework, which assumes that a rapid transmission or imposition of neo-liberal norms and values, combined with Western-style governance institutions, would create conditions for lasting peace and prosperity. Only in a few instances countries have attempted internally driven post-war reconstruction and development; in most cases, these efforts were either ignored or suppressed by international analysts, experts, academics and organisations. Despite all the expertise and funding spent since the early 1990s, externally driven operations have not led to lasting peace and stability, establishment of functioning institutions, eradication of poverty, livelihood improvements and economic reconstruction and development in war-torn countries. All too often, programmes, policies and „solutions‟ were designed and imposed by external actors either because they worked elsewhere or because they were influenced by geopolitical, economic and/or security interests of powerful countries. Furthermore, external actors have tended to assume that generic approaches based on the liberal peace framework can work in all places, while ignoring local actors, contexts and knowledge. Focusing on Bosnia and Herzegovina, South Sudan and Somaliland, this exploratory qualitative study critically explores and assesses both externally and internally driven post-war reconstruction and development practices and operations in order to understand the strengths and shortcomings of both approaches and offer recommendations for future improvements. This is important since socio-economic recovery and economic development are crucial for lasting stability and peace in post-war countries.

Após os atentados terroristas de Onze de setembro de 2001 os Estados Falidos passaram a ser considerados uma das principais ameaças à paz e segurança internacional. A maior parte dos estudos sobre o tema argumenta que a melhor maneira para se lidar com esta ameaça são as chamadas operações de Nation-Building, lideradas por agentes externos e cujos objetivos principais são reconstruir as instituições políticas, promover eleições democráticas e consolidar uma economia de mercado no país alvo. Assim sendo, na primeira parte do trabalho, intitulada O Colapso, esta dissertação almeja analisar as características do conceito de Estado Falido à luz do caso do Afeganistão. Na segunda parte, intitulada A Reconstrução, ambicionamos entender o que são e como são levadas a cabo as operações de Nation- Building, analisando as missões lideradas pela ONU e pelos EUA e realizando um estudo da atual operação no Afeganistão. / After the September 11th, 2001 terrorist attacks, Failed States have been considered one of the greatest threats to peace and international security. The great majority of the studies about this theme argue that one of the best ways to cope with this threat are the so-called Nation-Building operations, leaded by external agents and whose main objectives are the reconstruction of political institutions, the promotion of elections and the consolidation of a marketoriented economy in the target country. Therefore, in the first part of this work, called The Collapse, this dissertation aims to analyze the characteristics of the Failed State concept through the Afghan case. In the second part, called The Reconstruction, we intend to understand what Nation-Building operations are and how they have been carried out, analyzing the missions leaded both by the UN and the United States and doing a case study over the current operation in Afghanistan.

Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Stabilization and Reconstruction))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): Douglas R. Porch. Includes bibliographical references (p. 117-127). Also available online.