abstract: Native American students often enter postsecondary education as means of serving a broader community. Studies among a broad base of tribes found that the desire to serve a larger community acts as a motivation to persist through college. However, institutions of higher education often center on individualistic empowerment rather than focusing on how to empower tribal communities. Due to the lack of quality datasets that lend to quantitative research, our understanding of factors related to American Indian/Alaska Native (AI/AN) postsecondary persistence has primarily been based on qualitative studies The purpose of this study is to understand how the desire to serve a larger community influences current and former Cocopah and Quechan undergraduate students’ college persistence. The study adds to the Native American postsecondary persistence literature base, that up till now, has not quantitatively examined students’ desire to serve a larger community as a persistence factor while intentionally sampling two smaller tribes with tribal enrollments less than four thousand. This dissertation presents a Native American persistence model and alternative method of sampling small Indigenous nations, establishes construct validity for an instrument measuring the proposed persistence model and provides evidence the proposed model predicts postsecondary persistence and academic performance. The design of the model derives from a review theories and scholarship on Native American persistence. Subsequently, construction of an instrument measuring the model emerged from the theories, literature, expert feedback, and pilot testing. Using data collected from an online survey of a sample of Cocopah and Quechan students (n=117), the study provides evidence of construct validity of the instrument through an exploratory factor analysis. Following the instrument validation, regression analyses indicates that AI/AN postsecondary persistence within both two-year and four-year institutions is positively associated with student desire to give back. The evidence further suggests that researchers, practitioners, and administrators should expand programs that center on nation-building to increase the persistence of Native American students while simultaneously meeting the needs of tribal nations. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation Educational Policy and Evaluation 2018

“Comemorar efemérides” não é apenas uma expressão legítima utilizada para fazer referência à celebração de uma festa nacional. Desde o final do século XIX, ao menos em língua portuguesa, os dois termos têm sido associados como sinônimos. A presente tese representa um esforço em compreender o desenvolvimento de dois conceitos – comemorações e efemérides – na longa duração. Os encontros e desvios entre as práticas associadas a um e a outro serão pontuados através da seleção de episódios intelectuais, seguidos pelo exame de debates que os tocavam na periferia de suas articulações. Na primeira parte, dedicada às comemorações, montei uma revisão desse bem conhecido tópico de estudos endereçada a uma única hipótese, a saber: o “ofício” comemorativo pode ser entendido como uma forma de comunicação e transmissão geracional de valores. Inspirado pelas fontes, argumento que os eventuais pontos de encontro entre o par de objetos propostos nesta tese são análogos às interrelações entre a “ordem do tempo” e a “ordem da natureza”, entre o tempo dos homens e o movimento das estrelas. Neste drama conceitual, se pudermos assim chamá-lo, faríamos perceber como a superação dos antigos modelos cosmológicos não se esquivou em guardar, para assumir termo caro a Pomian, uma lógica cronosófica. Se eu for bem sucedido, esse argumento deverá se expressar na segunda parte. As efemérides, como tábuas do movimento dos corpos celestes, vieram sofrer uma lenta transição rumo ao registro dos feitos humanos. Bebendo em fontes antigas e nas práticas de emulação, personagens bem conhecidos da primeira modernidade associaram o termo primeiro aos diários pessoais, depois ao jornalismo e, nos séculos seguintes, à história literária, religiosa e política. Na França, as éphémérides emergem da revolução já como um subgênero historiográfico. No Brasil da segunda metade do século XIX, listas de efemérides encontram lugar comum junto às comemorações dentro dos debates do IHGB. É no horizonte do projeto de nação que busco observar a união dos paralelos. Esse horizonte – como um ponto de chegada – vai aparecer ao final de cada secção da tese, observado a partir da celebração do quadricentenário da descoberta de Cabral. / “Comemorar efemérides” is a Portuguese phrase that despite its academic ring, is often used in the mainstream press. It translates roughly as 'the commemoration of an auspicious occasion’ and is used in reference to the public marking of nationally significant events. By the end of the nineteenth century, the two terms of this phrase came to be synonymous in Portuguese. This thesis represents an effort to understand the development of these two terms – efemérides and comemorações – over the longue durée. The long-term similarities in the practical and public uses of these terms are explored by tracing their discursive deployments and examining the debates that surrounded such public uses. The first section, dedicated to commemorations, frames the analysis of this much discussed topic with the following hypothesis: the act of commemoration is a form of moral utterance between generations; it is the rehearsal and transmission of collective values. Drawing on historical sources, I argue that the eventual points of contact between these terms can be seen as analogs to the discursive exchange and conflict between the classical and peripatetic notions of the “order of time” and the “order of nature”. In this conceptual drama, one sees how the sublation of old cosmological perspectives nevertheless still contains what I shall call – following Pomian – a chronosophy. This analysis leads to the second part of the thesis. Efemérides, originally tables of the movements of the celestial bodies – also known as almanacs – underwent a slow transition from the celestial to the earthly, from the charting of the stars to the recording of human deeds. Drawing on classical texts, well-informed readers of early modernity would have associated those writings in the first instance with diaries, then with journalism and, in the following centuries, with political history. Emerging from the French Revolution as a historiographical subgenre, lists of Efemérides shared a common function with commemorations as nation-building practices that described the horizon of a project to create national identity. This horizon, as a meeting point of moral utterance and political project is explored at the end of both sections of the thesis, as it is observed in the quadricentenial celebration of Cabral’s Discovery of Brazil. It is at this horizon that the parallel developments of comemorações and efemérides promise to meet.

“Comemorar efemérides” não é apenas uma expressão legítima utilizada para fazer referência à celebração de uma festa nacional. Desde o final do século XIX, ao menos em língua portuguesa, os dois termos têm sido associados como sinônimos. A presente tese representa um esforço em compreender o desenvolvimento de dois conceitos – comemorações e efemérides – na longa duração. Os encontros e desvios entre as práticas associadas a um e a outro serão pontuados através da seleção de episódios intelectuais, seguidos pelo exame de debates que os tocavam na periferia de suas articulações. Na primeira parte, dedicada às comemorações, montei uma revisão desse bem conhecido tópico de estudos endereçada a uma única hipótese, a saber: o “ofício” comemorativo pode ser entendido como uma forma de comunicação e transmissão geracional de valores. Inspirado pelas fontes, argumento que os eventuais pontos de encontro entre o par de objetos propostos nesta tese são análogos às interrelações entre a “ordem do tempo” e a “ordem da natureza”, entre o tempo dos homens e o movimento das estrelas. Neste drama conceitual, se pudermos assim chamá-lo, faríamos perceber como a superação dos antigos modelos cosmológicos não se esquivou em guardar, para assumir termo caro a Pomian, uma lógica cronosófica. Se eu for bem sucedido, esse argumento deverá se expressar na segunda parte. As efemérides, como tábuas do movimento dos corpos celestes, vieram sofrer uma lenta transição rumo ao registro dos feitos humanos. Bebendo em fontes antigas e nas práticas de emulação, personagens bem conhecidos da primeira modernidade associaram o termo primeiro aos diários pessoais, depois ao jornalismo e, nos séculos seguintes, à história literária, religiosa e política. Na França, as éphémérides emergem da revolução já como um subgênero historiográfico. No Brasil da segunda metade do século XIX, listas de efemérides encontram lugar comum junto às comemorações dentro dos debates do IHGB. É no horizonte do projeto de nação que busco observar a união dos paralelos. Esse horizonte – como um ponto de chegada – vai aparecer ao final de cada secção da tese, observado a partir da celebração do quadricentenário da descoberta de Cabral. / “Comemorar efemérides” is a Portuguese phrase that despite its academic ring, is often used in the mainstream press. It translates roughly as 'the commemoration of an auspicious occasion’ and is used in reference to the public marking of nationally significant events. By the end of the nineteenth century, the two terms of this phrase came to be synonymous in Portuguese. This thesis represents an effort to understand the development of these two terms – efemérides and comemorações – over the longue durée. The long-term similarities in the practical and public uses of these terms are explored by tracing their discursive deployments and examining the debates that surrounded such public uses. The first section, dedicated to commemorations, frames the analysis of this much discussed topic with the following hypothesis: the act of commemoration is a form of moral utterance between generations; it is the rehearsal and transmission of collective values. Drawing on historical sources, I argue that the eventual points of contact between these terms can be seen as analogs to the discursive exchange and conflict between the classical and peripatetic notions of the “order of time” and the “order of nature”. In this conceptual drama, one sees how the sublation of old cosmological perspectives nevertheless still contains what I shall call – following Pomian – a chronosophy. This analysis leads to the second part of the thesis. Efemérides, originally tables of the movements of the celestial bodies – also known as almanacs – underwent a slow transition from the celestial to the earthly, from the charting of the stars to the recording of human deeds. Drawing on classical texts, well-informed readers of early modernity would have associated those writings in the first instance with diaries, then with journalism and, in the following centuries, with political history. Emerging from the French Revolution as a historiographical subgenre, lists of Efemérides shared a common function with commemorations as nation-building practices that described the horizon of a project to create national identity. This horizon, as a meeting point of moral utterance and political project is explored at the end of both sections of the thesis, as it is observed in the quadricentenial celebration of Cabral’s Discovery of Brazil. It is at this horizon that the parallel developments of comemorações and efemérides promise to meet.

The following study seeks to explore the theme of what has become known as a serious security problem within the genderfield as well as the peace and development field, strategic rape as a weapon in war. More specifically, the essay analyses women's experiences of rape in the Bosnian war, in order to explore how big of a space is dedicated for these experiences to be expressed in the aftermath of war and in the process of building a nation. The empirical findings consist of stories told by women who have experienced rape during the war, available for the general public to find. With a theoretical framework consisting of a combination of feminist theories surrounding the gender order, the analysis seeks to focus on what power relations and different types of silences can be found in the stories told by war rape victims. The conclusion states that all of the power relations are based on the unequal relationship between the male and female, which influences the relationship between war rapevictims and war criminals, politicians and the victims surrounding. The silence brought to life by stigma transforms into various forms, the main ones referring to the war rapevictims and witih the politicial sphere.

This thesis analyses the construction of the modern national identity in Poland following the state’s creation in 1918. Its central aim is to argue that although much of Poland’s national identity was, in fact, the product of the revolutionary eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, in the twentieth century, ethnocultural foundations proved essential in the process of nation building. In order to offer a novel approach to this issue this thesis will evaluate the programmes of the émigré organizations and political parties to demonstrate the role of the two national currents: ethnic/organic and civic/territorial, which developed during the nineteenth century and shaped competing definitions of Polish nation. Furthermore, this study will analyse the role of the pre-modern and early modern symbols in shaping the political currents in modern Poland. Locating and examining elements central to the definition of the nation will allow demonstration of how the distinctive national programmes were defined under successive administrations. This research argues that the rise of competing national identities in East-Central Europe, at the turn of the century, accelerated the dissolution of the common trait or national identity, shared by the elites across the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth. Deprived of legitimacy the authorities were unable to maintain the democratic system, gradually introducing authoritarianism, and by the late 1930s replacing the inclusive state model with the organic definition of the nation. This exclusive programme resurfaced following the Second World War and became a justification for the construction of an ethnically homogenous Poland. The Communist regime aimed to eradicate the pillars of national identity and to diminish the role of society in the state’s functioning; however, the nucleus of civil society which survived the period of persecution continued to grow in strength outside of the official channels. Effectively, this created a popular definition of the Polish nation in opposition to that of the regime. The competition between the ethnocultural and political definition of the nation remained a central issue over more than two decades following the collapse of the Communist regime.

Climate change and global commodity demands have increased access to and feasibility of extracting natural resources in Arctic regions. As a result, Nunavut is now poised to compete on the global market for oil, gas, minerals, and precious metals. The impacts of increasing resource exploration and development activities on nearby communities therefore require study. In particular, new methodologies are needed to explore how adjacent communities can harness the economic potential of resource extraction toward goals of self-sufficiency, sustainability, and cultural continuity while minimizing the associated risks. Using the predominantly Inuit community of Pond Inlet, Nunavut, as a case study, this thesis uses an article format to introduce the Harvard Project on American Indian Economic Development’s ‘nation building’ conceptual framework, as well as a post-colonial theory to explore resource development in the Canadian Arctic context. The nation building framework is a well-established and validated approach to understanding economic development in Indigenous society that has been refined and used in hundreds of case studies over the past three decades. Based on interviews with residents and regional decision-makers, it was found that the community of Pond Inlet currently lacks the self-determination and effective institutions needed to implement local strategies for prosperity due to a number of complex factors, including educational and capacity deficiencies; infrastructure needs; as well as a centralized decision-making structure that poorly matches local culture and serves to alienate residents. As a result, the anticipated resource boom in Arctic Canada is in danger of indirectly repeating the colonial legacy of assimilation, this time justified by contemporary economic reasons, instead of providing the region with an inclusive, balanced economic development approach in line with local ideas for development and cultural continuity.This thesis follows the article format and is organized into four chapters: Chapter 1 is an introductory chapter. Chapter 2 is the first of two articles in the thesis titled: Community and Economic Development in Arctic Canada (CEDAC) – Understanding factors that contribute toward self-determined sustainable community development. Chapter 3 is the second of two articles in the thesis titled: Community and Economic Development in Arctic Canada (CEDAC) – Mining in Nunavut: A new path to prosperity or re‐paving old paths of colonial rule? Chapter 4 concludes the thesis.

Native American lands have significant renewable energy resource potential that could serve to ensure energy security and a low carbon energy future for the benefit of tribes as well as the United States. Economic and energy development needs in Native American communities match the energy potential. A disproportionate amount of Native American households have no access to electricity, which is correlated with high poverty and unemployment rates. Despite the vast resources and need for energy, the potential for renewable energy development has not fully materialized. This research explores this subject through three separate articles: 1) a case study of the Navajo Nation that suggests economic viability is not the only significant factor for low adoption of renewable energy on Navajo lands; 2) an expert elicitation of tribal renewable energy experts of what they view as barriers to renewable energy development on tribal lands; and 3) a reevaluation of Native Nation Building Theory to include external forces and the role that inter-tribal collaboration plays with renewable energy development by Native nations. Major findings from this research suggests that 1) many Native nations lack the technical and legal capacity to develop renewable energy; 2) inter-tribal collaboration can provide opportunities for sharing resources and building technical, legal, and political capacity; and 3) financing and funding remains a considerable barrier to renewable energy development on tribal lands.

The South African Truth Commission was different to any other commission held in the past. The Commission had to balance the scales between a painful past and a peaceful future. The task in itself was not an easy one, considering the fact that the apartheid years spanned over many decades. It certainly was not an easy task to maintain a balance between blanket amnesty and legal prosecutions. This middle of the road policy leveled much criticism from all sides, ranging form political parties to victims and their families and the general public. However, the policy on amnesty was a crucial aspect in balancing the past with that of the future. Although the TRC had achieved its objectives, it had many shortcomings ranging from its original mandate, its workings right through to the final recommendations. The scope of the Commission was far too wide considering the fact that they had to cover human rights abuses spanning over the years 1960 to 1994. The mandated period for them to complete their task was very limited if one considers the fact that this was a unique Commission and many people had to be trained to carry out tasks especially on lower levels. The Committees established by the Commission did not have clear methods of working and the coordination between them was poor. The methodology followed by the TRC was flawed but we need to take time and consider the enormity of the task at hand. It was not only a transitional phase for the people of South Africa but for the new government as well. The TRC was not a well planned process. However one has to also consider that accountability had to be done as soon as possible or it would have lost its essence. Issues had to be faced as soon as possible. The Commission also received criticism for allowing religion into its doors, mainly Christian theology. However, in some ways, one has to consider the fact that most people who were affected by apartheid were Christian and they found comfort in the practice of the Commission. The National Party had to be accountable and yes, as leaders they should have apologized for what had happened. This should have been a point of issue for the Commission and one of the areas where they had failed to act. Notwithstanding all the negative aspects of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission much positivism brought to the country as a whole, sections of society and to individuals. Nothing short of a miracle can heal a country. The terms of reconciliation, forgiving and healing became acceptable terms to many who were affected by the period of apartheid. South African history was given an opportunity to be recorded. People were given an opportunity to clear their conscious and find peace in truth. For the first time it was possible to see beyond the pain that many had suffered. As a country we would have been much poorer had the truth not been told. I believe it was truly a necessary part of our history. Copyright / Dissertation (MHCS)--University of Pretoria, 2008. / Historical and Heritage Studies / unrestricted

How can party system design contribute to managing ethnic relations? This thesis investigatesthe relationship between party system design and the type of nation-building efforts pursuedin a country. More specifically, whether a country allows ethnicity to be a source of politicalmobilization or not and how that relates to nation-building policies having an assimilating ora multicultural character. Departing from the debate between the integrative approach and theconsociational approach, theories of institutional design, the thesis theorizes that countriesbanning ethnic political parties are pursuing civic nationalism and should therefore havenation-building policies with an assimilating character. On the other hand, it theorizes thatcountries that do not restrict parties to form on ethnic basis will have multiculturalnation-building policies, striving for a multicultural nationalism. Using a ‘most similarsystems design’ the study investigates the nation-building policies in Kenya and Nigeria, twosimilar countries with different party system designs. It mainly investigates education policiesto look for indicators of assimilating and multicultural nation-building. Taken together, theresults show that national unity and integration is an overarching goal which overridescultural recognition in both cases. The correlation between party system design and type ofnation-building policies show to be weak since the two countries have very similar policies.However, some nuances in means to achieve national unity are found.

The aim of this thesis is to look at the role of the United States Peace Corps as a tool of soft power in the context of international relations and at the use of soft power as an effective part of diplomacy. This thesis has looks at the role of the Peace Corps in former British colonies in West Africa between 1961 and 1970.The project has focused the relationship of the newly independent British colonies with the United States in a period of intensive ideological interest of the USSR in this part of the world. The primary materials used in the paper have been journals and newspaper articles published by the Peace Corps, testimonials of former Peace Corps volunteers and scholarly publications on the topic of the Peace Corps, West African-American relations and relations between West Africa and the USSR. The Peace Corps played an important role in establishing relations between the US and West African countries in the 1960's with a special emphasis on education.