South Africa (SA) is undergoing a transformation of governance from apartheid to a new country of inclusion and involvement of previously disenfranchised groups. The Reconstruction and Development Programme (RDP) is as an official document to guide efforts at nation-building. Human resource development (HRD) is a key component. As used in this study, HRD is broadly conceptualized as the deployment of human resources for the purposes of nation- building in SA. Consequently, an integral part of the program is the role of adult learning in this process. Literature indicates that blacks experience slower rates of moving up the corporate ladder, especially at senior management levels, and therefore they are not represented according to their proportion. Missing is the significant understanding of the experience and perception of black managers themselves. The purpose of this study was to gain some understanding of what black SA managers perceive to be their limited opportunities related to their corporate career. An additional aim was to determine the perceived impact that corporations and government policies, programs and legislation might play in addressing this problem. A survey was employed and descriptive statistics were used to generate data. A sample of 488 black managers listed in the SA Directory of Black Managers and the Executive 200 was surveyed. The results provide an understanding of factors black managers perceived as problems that impact them personally, and also have implications for corporations as well as the implementation of the RDP and therefore nation-building. This study demonstrated that black managers perceive personal, corporate- and government-related factors as serious problems contributing to their lack of corporate career success. These were: lack of work experience; lack of planning for career development of blacks; cronyism; lack of appropriate mentors for black managers; insufficient number of black managers to fill the positions available; their own lack of technical competence; and lack of government enforcement of affirmative action. Additionally, the insight provided by the findings in this study suggest that in a situation where they were experiencing difficulty moving up the corporate ladder, the most likely action black mangers would take would be to leave their companies. / Ph. D.

Denna artikel försöker utveckla Sara Ahmeds forskning om fenomenologi för att inkludera en fenomenologisk separation av kropp och hud för att förstå pågående kolonialism i Australien/Country. Det hävdas att kolonisatörens misstro till den koloniserade personens kunskapsproduktionen har lett till att kolonisatören har skapat en imaginär grundläggande nationsberättelse. Det hävdas vidare att kolonialismen kommer att fortsätta fram tills att kolonisatören kan skapa en verklig grundläggande nationsberättelse och i sin tur kan detta inte ske förrän den koloniserade personens kunskapsproduktion erkänns. / This paper is attempting to develop Sara Ahmed’s research on phenomenology to include a phenomenological separation of body and skin in order to understand ongoing colonialism in Australia/Country. It is argued that coloniser rejection of colonisee knowledge production has led to a coloniser imaginary foundational narrative. Further, it is argued, colonialism cannot come to an end until the coloniser can create a real foundational narrative and, in turn, this cannot occur until colonisee knowledge production is acknowledged.

The following study provides a critical interpretation of the ten years’ administration of Rafael Correa in Ecuador. The main goal is to comprehend to which extent structural transformations were achieved during his period in power and what lessons can be drawn in order to conceptualize strategies for the complete emancipation of Latin America.

Many art historians have debated the identity of the couple in Rembrandt's the Jewish Bride (1667). The painting is most often identified as an Old Testament theme. This is due to the seventeenth-century Dutch practice of using biblical "types" as ideal models for the structuring of the new republic founded on the Israelite ideology of nation building. Three of these biblical female types that have been separately associated with the female figure in the Jewish Bride are, Rebecca, Ruth, and Esther. As these biblical women represented different notions of power through their respective narratives, this thesis argues that Rembrandt deliberately left the identity of the female figure ambiguous so that all three types could be referenced by viewers. Consequently, these powerful female prototypes provided significant role models for the women of the Dutch Republic as they strived to carve out similarly strong positions for themselves in this new society.

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This dissertation examines the latter stages of the Second Indochina War through the lens of geography, spatial contestation, and the environment. The natural and the manmade world were not only central but a decisive factor in the struggle to control the population and territory of South Vietnam. The war was shaped and in many ways determined by spatial / environmental factors. Like other revolutionary civil conflicts, the key to winning political power in South Vietnam was to control both the physical world (territory, population, resources) and the ideational world (the political organization of occupied territory). The means to do so was insurgency and pacification - two approaches that pursued the same goals (population and territory control) and used the same methods (a blend of military force, political violence, and socioeconomic policy) despite their countervailing purposes. The war in South Vietnam, like all armed conflicts, possessed a unique spatiality due to its irregular nature. Although it has often been called a "war without fronts," the reality is that the conflict in South Vietnam was a war with innumerable fronts, as insurgents and counterinsurgents feverishly wrestled to win political power and control of the civilian environment throughout forty-four provinces, 250 districts, and more than 11,000 hamlets. The conflict in South Vietnam was not one geographical war, but many; it was a highly complex politico-military struggle that fragmented space and atomized the battlefield along a million divergent points of conflict. This paper explores the unique spatiality of the Second Indochina War and examines the ways that both sides of the conflict conceptualized and utilized geography and the environment to serve strategic, tactical, and political purposes. / History

Yes / The civil war in South Sudan raises the all-too familiar problem of the crisis of state formation and nation-building in post-colonial Africa. Based on extensive field research in Sudan and South Sudan between 2005 and 2013, this chapter argues that the international response to post-independence nation-building and post-liberation-war peacebuilding was not predicated on coherent and consistent timing and sequencing. If anything, the case of South Sudan illustrates that the rather inconsistent, uncoordinated post-war peacebuilding and statebuilding, as well as the lack of domestic legitimacy and ownership of the post-liberation-war peacebuilding and nation-building interventions, aggravated the fundamental grievances leading to the outbreak of the December 2013 civil war. What is more, South Sudan demonstrates how events on the ground and the pursuit of the strategic interests of the key national, regional, and international stakeholders framed and determined the nature, scope, timing, and even the sequencing of post-war peacebuilding and nation-building.

This thesis develops a model that can be used to assess the ability of religious institutions to contribute to post-conflict state building. Highlighting the tendency in state building literature to stop short in discussing what seems to be inferred, but unnameable—religion—the research proposes a framework that identifies theoretical mechanisms through which religious institutions can contribute to post-conflict state building. Drawing from the theologies of Roman Catholicism and Sunni Islam the thesis then reflects upon why they would, of their own accord, lend their considerable legitimacy and resources. The thesis diverges from traditional approaches such as rational choice theory that suggest religious institutions act to maximise membership or assets, and instead embraces a teleological view recognizing the importance of belief structures in understanding a religious institution's motivations. It embraces salvation as a hermeneutical key to outline a Roman Catholic theology of state building while drawing upon the concept of justice for Sunni Islam. The thesis concludes by incorporating the particularistic nuances of Bosnia and Herzegovina's unique historically and culturally influenced religious practices, structures and theologies to suggest the ability and willingness of the two religions' institutions to contribute to their country's state building.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 171-177) / The study is an investigation into nation building through the national anthem in Zimbabwe. It takes a sociolinguistic dimension where the languages used to sing the national anthem in Zimbabwe are interrogated. The impetus behind the study is that Zimbabwe introduced a new language policy through the constitution where sixteen languages are officially recognised. While citizens look forward to the use of their languages, national symbols such as the national anthem still exist in dominant languages, at least officially. The study therefore sought to find out the views and language choices of citizens when it comes to singing the national anthem. This purpose was fulfilled by eliciting data through questionnaires which were distributed to four areas where marginalised languages are spoken. Participants were drawn from Plumtree, Gwanda, Hwange and Binga. Apart from questionnaires, focus group interviews were conducted with language activists who participate in language associations. Individual interviews were conducted with academics in the area of language. The conceptual framework of the study is nation building which is underpinned by four tenets, while the theory that guided the study is Bourdieu’s theory of social practice. The conceptual framework and theoretical framework were chosen to allow the study to investigate nation building in relation to the sociopolitical context which determines the use of languages in different spheres in Zimbabwe. The study extricates that language is politically malleable and at the same time has the potential to make or break the nation. Respondents were of mixed views concerning the non-use of their languages in the national anthem, bringing out the hegemonic tendencies. The findings of the study show that language is a form of identity and a strong tool of nation building. However, language policies which are not clear tend to confuse the citizens and there is need for the political elite to be involved in the implementation of such policies. The study hence advocates for marginalised languages to be accorded the status they need in order to be used for national symbol expression. / African Languages / D. Phil. (African Languages)