Das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit besteht darin, den Wert der nonverbalen Ausdrucksmittel für einen erfolgreichen Kommunikationsverlauf zu verdeutlichen und aufzuzeigen, welche Rolle Geschlecht und soziale Hierarchie in der nonverbalen Kommunikation spielen und in welchem Maße sie eine Interaktion beeinflussen können. Als Untersuchungsgegenstand fungiert das nonverbale Verhalten des ecuadorianischen Präsidenten Rafael Vicente Correa Delgado, wobei der Fokus auf den Faktoren Geschlecht und soziale Hierarchie und deren Ausdruck in der nonverbalen Kommunikation liegt. Die Durchführung der Untersuchung erfolgt anhand des medial inszenierten Abbildes von Rafael Correa, das ihn in einer diskursiven Beziehung darstellt, d.h. Aufzeichnungen politischer Debatten und Interviews, die auf internationaler Ebene stattgefunden haben. Bei der Auswahl des Untersuchungsgegenstandes wird Wert auf Verschiedenheit der Konstellationen der Interaktionspartner (Status und Geschlecht) gelegt, um einen Vergleich des nonverbalen Verhaltens zu ermöglichen. Es ergeben sich für die vorliegende Arbeit folgende Hauptfragen, die es mit Hilfe der Untersuchung zu beantworten gilt: Inwieweit spiegelt das nonverbale Verhalten des ecuadorianischen Präsidenten Rafael Correa in einer Interaktion seine soziale Hierarchie wider und weist geschlechtsspezifische Züge auf? Variiert je nach sozialer Hierarchie und Geschlecht seiner Interaktionspartner das nonverbale Verhalten des ecuadorianischen Präsidenten Rafael Correa in einer Interaktion? Im Rahmen dieser Fragestellung ergeben sich ferner folgende Nebenfragen: In welcher Beziehung steht das nonverbale Verhalten des ecuadorianischen Präsidenten Rafael Correa zum verbalen Verhalten? Harmonieren diese zwei Ebenen miteinander, ergänzen sie sich oder widersprechen sie sich? Inwieweit zeigt sich die kulturelle Prägung im nonverbalen Verhalten Rafael Correas? Die Auswertung des nonverbalen Verhaltens Rafael Correas in asymmetrischer und in symmetrischer Beziehung macht deutlich, dass sowohl das Geschlecht als auch die soziale Hierarchie der Interaktionspartner Einfluss auf den Charakter und den möglichen Verlauf einer Interaktion nehmen. Anhand des Vergleichs des nonverbalen Verhaltens Correas in verschiedenen Konstellationen wird deutlich, dass das nonverbale Verhalten des Präsidenten von der sozialen Hierarchie und dem Geschlecht seiner Interaktionspartner nicht abhängig ist und somit nicht variiert. Die verbale und nonverbale Ebene ergänzen sich und weisen keine Widersprüchlichkeit auf. Es sind nur wenige kulturspezifische Verhaltensweisen des Präsidenten zu beobachten.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:20:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Menon.pdf: 820555 bytes, checksum: 4cfee65cc4fed8b0a87498354303a455 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-24 / The objective of this work is to contribute to the analysis of articulation between social movements and the Correa government in Ecuador from 2007 to 2012. The largest share of the state in controlling the oil sector, the challenge of considerable public debt (internal and external), the criticism of the dollarization of the economy, foreign policy alignment with the Bolivarian bloc, the proclamation of a new constitution that institutionalizes new rights, including indigenous communities - here are some aspects of that government.. In any country, changes of this magnitude are not due to the characteristics of a demiurgic government, however important the performance of this. Here we want to emphasize that these advances was also determined by intense struggle, with many advances and retreats, times of expansion and contraction of social movements in Ecuador. In the mentioned period, the government and social movements, assumed, of different and often contradictory ways, anti-neoliberal positions, which led to a number of significant changes in the social formation. Far from predetermined, the ramifications of this process are open, because there is the active presence of conservative hegemony forces by neoliberalism. These make up a tab of the range of possibilities that goes through the new-developmentalism and extends to policies anti-systemic strong character / O objetivo deste trabalho é contribuir para a análise das relações entre os movimentos sociais indígenas e o governo Rafael Correa, no Equador, entre 2007 e 2012. A maior participação do Estado no controle do setor petrolífero, a contestação de parte considerável da dívida pública (interna e externa), a crítica à dolarização da economia, o alinhamento da política externa com o bloco bolivariano, a proclamação de uma nova constituição que institucionaliza novos direitos fundamentais, inclusive para comunidades indígenas eis alguns aspectos do referido governo. Em qualquer país, mudanças deste porte não se devem às características demiúrgicas de um governo, por mais importante que seja a atuação deste. Aqui se pretende ressaltar que esses avanços também foi determinado por intensas lutas, com diversos avanços e recuos, momentos de expansão e de contração, dos movimentos indígenas no Equador. No período mencionado, o governo e os movimentos sociais, assumiram, de diferentes e, muitas vezes, contraditórios modos, posições antineoliberais, o que levou a um conjunto de mudanças significativas na formação social. Longe de predeterminados, os desdobramentos deste processo encontram-se em aberto, até porque existe a presença ativa de forças conservadoras hegemonizadas pelo neoliberalismo. Estas compõem uma aba do leque de possibilidades que passa pelo neodesenvolvimentismo e se estende a políticas de forte caráter antissistêmico

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T14:54:09Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Gustavo Menon.pdf: 820555 bytes, checksum: 4cfee65cc4fed8b0a87498354303a455 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-06-24 / The objective of this work is to contribute to the analysis of articulation between social movements and the Correa government in Ecuador from 2007 to 2012. The largest share of the state in controlling the oil sector, the challenge of considerable public debt (internal and external), the criticism of the dollarization of the economy, foreign policy alignment with the Bolivarian bloc, the proclamation of a new constitution that institutionalizes new rights, including indigenous communities - here are some aspects of that government.. In any country, changes of this magnitude are not due to the characteristics of a demiurgic government, however important the performance of this. Here we want to emphasize that these advances was also determined by intense struggle, with many advances and retreats, times of expansion and contraction of social movements in Ecuador. In the mentioned period, the government and social movements, assumed, of different and often contradictory ways, anti-neoliberal positions, which led to a number of significant changes in the social formation. Far from predetermined, the ramifications of this process are open, because there is the active presence of conservative hegemony forces by neoliberalism. These make up a tab of the range of possibilities that goes through the new-developmentalism and extends to policies anti-systemic strong character / O objetivo deste trabalho é contribuir para a análise das relações entre os movimentos sociais indígenas e o governo Rafael Correa, no Equador, entre 2007 e 2012. A maior participação do Estado no controle do setor petrolífero, a contestação de parte considerável da dívida pública (interna e externa), a crítica à dolarização da economia, o alinhamento da política externa com o bloco bolivariano, a proclamação de uma nova constituição que institucionaliza novos direitos fundamentais, inclusive para comunidades indígenas eis alguns aspectos do referido governo. Em qualquer país, mudanças deste porte não se devem às características demiúrgicas de um governo, por mais importante que seja a atuação deste. Aqui se pretende ressaltar que esses avanços também foi determinado por intensas lutas, com diversos avanços e recuos, momentos de expansão e de contração, dos movimentos indígenas no Equador. No período mencionado, o governo e os movimentos sociais, assumiram, de diferentes e, muitas vezes, contraditórios modos, posições antineoliberais, o que levou a um conjunto de mudanças significativas na formação social. Longe de predeterminados, os desdobramentos deste processo encontram-se em aberto, até porque existe a presença ativa de forças conservadoras hegemonizadas pelo neoliberalismo. Estas compõem uma aba do leque de possibilidades que passa pelo neodesenvolvimentismo e se estende a políticas de forte caráter antissistêmico

Ecuador was ‘refounded’ at the turn of the 21st century, with the articulation of progressive and inclusive ideals in a new Constitution. Social movements and leftist intellectuals in Ecuador have expressed that president Rafael Correa has failed to uphold the 2008 Constitution’s goals and values. President Correa and his Alianza PAIS government have utilized the rhetoric of the revolutionary ideals articulated in the Constitution, but in practice, they have continued to implement the status quo Western development model, and a large part of their development strategy involves ‘neo-extractive’ activities. Hydroelectric energy production is contributing to the ‘neo-extractive’ development model in Ecuador, and its implementation has often violated Constitutional rights. This thesis is an analysis of natural resource extraction in Ecuador and its social repercussions, with a focus on hydroelectric energy production. It is shown that the hydroelectric industry in Ecuador is not as “clean,” sustainable, or non-extractive as it is purported to be, through a case study of the San José del Tambo hydroelectric project and the exploration of an international support for hydroelectric extractivism, the United Nations Clean Development Mechanism, and its misleading framing of extractive projects as “sustainable development.” Social movements in Ecuador are acting to reverse the perversion of their originally revolutionary ideals, and to implement a post-extractive model informed by those revolutionary ideals.

Ecuador was ‘refounded’ at the turn of the 21st century, with the articulation of progressive and inclusive ideals in a new Constitution. Social movements and leftist intellectuals in Ecuador have expressed that president Rafael Correa has failed to uphold the 2008 Constitution’s goals and values. President Correa and his Alianza PAIS government have utilized the rhetoric of the revolutionary ideals articulated in the Constitution, but in practice, they have continued to implement the status quo Western development model, and a large part of their development strategy involves ‘neo-extractive’ activities. Hydroelectric energy production is contributing to the ‘neo-extractive’ development model in Ecuador, and its implementation has often violated Constitutional rights. This thesis is an analysis of natural resource extraction in Ecuador and its social repercussions, with a focus on hydroelectric energy production. It is shown that the hydroelectric industry in Ecuador is not as “clean,” sustainable, or non-extractive as it is purported to be, through a case study of the San José del Tambo hydroelectric project and the exploration of an international support for hydroelectric extractivism, the United Nations Clean Development Mechanism, and its misleading framing of extractive projects as “sustainable development.” Social movements in Ecuador are acting to reverse the perversion of their originally revolutionary ideals, and to implement a post-extractive model informed by those revolutionary ideals.

The following study provides a critical interpretation of the ten years’ administration of Rafael Correa in Ecuador. The main goal is to comprehend to which extent structural transformations were achieved during his period in power and what lessons can be drawn in order to conceptualize strategies for the complete emancipation of Latin America.

Das Ziel der vorliegenden Arbeit besteht darin, den Wert der nonverbalen Ausdrucksmittel für einen erfolgreichen Kommunikationsverlauf zu verdeutlichen und aufzuzeigen, welche Rolle Geschlecht und soziale Hierarchie in der nonverbalen Kommunikation spielen und in welchem Maße sie eine Interaktion beeinflussen können. Als Untersuchungsgegenstand fungiert das nonverbale Verhalten des ecuadorianischen Präsidenten Rafael Vicente Correa Delgado, wobei der Fokus auf den Faktoren Geschlecht und soziale Hierarchie und deren Ausdruck in der nonverbalen Kommunikation liegt. Die Durchführung der Untersuchung erfolgt anhand des medial inszenierten Abbildes von Rafael Correa, das ihn in einer diskursiven Beziehung darstellt, d.h. Aufzeichnungen politischer Debatten und Interviews, die auf internationaler Ebene stattgefunden haben. Bei der Auswahl des Untersuchungsgegenstandes wird Wert auf Verschiedenheit der Konstellationen der Interaktionspartner (Status und Geschlecht) gelegt, um einen Vergleich des nonverbalen Verhaltens zu ermöglichen. Es ergeben sich für die vorliegende Arbeit folgende Hauptfragen, die es mit Hilfe der Untersuchung zu beantworten gilt: Inwieweit spiegelt das nonverbale Verhalten des ecuadorianischen Präsidenten Rafael Correa in einer Interaktion seine soziale Hierarchie wider und weist geschlechtsspezifische Züge auf? Variiert je nach sozialer Hierarchie und Geschlecht seiner Interaktionspartner das nonverbale Verhalten des ecuadorianischen Präsidenten Rafael Correa in einer Interaktion? Im Rahmen dieser Fragestellung ergeben sich ferner folgende Nebenfragen: In welcher Beziehung steht das nonverbale Verhalten des ecuadorianischen Präsidenten Rafael Correa zum verbalen Verhalten? Harmonieren diese zwei Ebenen miteinander, ergänzen sie sich oder widersprechen sie sich? Inwieweit zeigt sich die kulturelle Prägung im nonverbalen Verhalten Rafael Correas? Die Auswertung des nonverbalen Verhaltens Rafael Correas in asymmetrischer und in symmetrischer Beziehung macht deutlich, dass sowohl das Geschlecht als auch die soziale Hierarchie der Interaktionspartner Einfluss auf den Charakter und den möglichen Verlauf einer Interaktion nehmen. Anhand des Vergleichs des nonverbalen Verhaltens Correas in verschiedenen Konstellationen wird deutlich, dass das nonverbale Verhalten des Präsidenten von der sozialen Hierarchie und dem Geschlecht seiner Interaktionspartner nicht abhängig ist und somit nicht variiert. Die verbale und nonverbale Ebene ergänzen sich und weisen keine Widersprüchlichkeit auf. Es sind nur wenige kulturspezifische Verhaltensweisen des Präsidenten zu beobachten.

Since the first years of the 21st century, the Ecuadorian indigenous movement, classified as the most overwhelming social actor since its emergence in the mid 1980s, finds itself in crises, with its principal organizations marked by tensions and conflicts. With a departure in the fragmentation of the indigenous movement, the context of the study is the impact of issues related to the concepts of class and ethnicity. In order to achieve a deeper understanding of the topic, the approach is based on a comparative study of different historical periods. The theoretical part of the study mainly focuses on analysing the concept of social movement in relation to indigenous movement. By comparing different periods, the study seeks to demonstrate that the inter-relationship between class and ethnicity has changed due to the context. For example, the revival of once-impotent leftist parties and movements has altered the relations of power and the incentives that strucktured past linkages between the indigenous movement and the political left. Thus, due to the meteoric rise of Rafael Correa and his radical political project, the indigenous movement is confronted with a new kind of challenge. In this context, the concepts of plurinationality and interculturality have emerged and further polarized the positions both between the left and the indigenous movement and between the two indigenous organizations: CONAIE and FENOCIN. In light of these aspects, the ambition of this study is to emphasize the importance of highlightning the concepts of class and ethnicity, when analysing the cause of the current fragmentation of the indigenous movement in Ecuador.

No description available.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.