Neoliberal economy has been developed under promises of grater freedom and progress,paradoxically the capacity for human degradation within the logic of neoliberalcapitalism goes far beyond dominant criticism. It is not only that there is degradation ofwork life as a result of Taylorism and automation, not only greater ecological perils dueto the greenhouse effects of industrial performance, and it is not the case just thatinternational arrangements of the economic foster poverty and exclusion at theperiphery of capitalist neo-liberalism. We are experiencing now a radicalization ofhuman degradation in unexpected proportions to the point that slavery has come back tosupport economic growth and wealth accumulation, even though slavery is forbiddenalmost everywhere, reality is that in today’s world the economy is fed by slave work.In this paper we study the ways neo-liberalism has allowed for the development of anenslaving economical system. First at all we shall review the main evidences of what Icall the enslaving economy, second we shall move to discuss the Dynamics ofNeoliberal Slavery differentiating the Micro-Dynamics, Macro-Dynamics, and theMeso-Dynamics of Neoliberal Slavery. Finally it is presented proposals to face the fastgrowing development of slavery including interventions in organizations, education,political action, etc.

Using a political economy analysis, this thesis examines the Global Food Safety Initiative and its effects on food safety governance. It begins with a discussion of food safety, an important component of food production systems, which attempts to ensure that food will not induce foodborne illness in the consumer. After outlining how neoliberalism is the current political economy environment in which the Global North operates, it argues that within this environment the Global Food Safety Initiative is rapidly becoming the predominant expression of neoliberalism to promote food safety. A political economic analysis of the Global Food Safety Initiative reveals that it is an indicator of the current neoliberal food regime and has significant consequences for the governance of both Canadian and international food safety.

Using a political economy analysis, this thesis examines the Global Food Safety Initiative and its effects on food safety governance. It begins with a discussion of food safety, an important component of food production systems, which attempts to ensure that food will not induce foodborne illness in the consumer. After outlining how neoliberalism is the current political economy environment in which the Global North operates, it argues that within this environment the Global Food Safety Initiative is rapidly becoming the predominant expression of neoliberalism to promote food safety. A political economic analysis of the Global Food Safety Initiative reveals that it is an indicator of the current neoliberal food regime and has significant consequences for the governance of both Canadian and international food safety.

Submitted by Ana Paula Lisboa Monteiro (monteiro@univates.br) on 2010-12-29T17:24:37Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ClaudiaAngnes.pdf: 764625 bytes, checksum: 039cb52caf6b13d58b6a1f69c25c75ac (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2010-12-29T17:24:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ClaudiaAngnes.pdf: 764625 bytes, checksum: 039cb52caf6b13d58b6a1f69c25c75ac (MD5) / A sociedade contemporânea tem coexistido com revoluções tecnológicas, mudanças do sistema produtivo e o aparecimento de novas modalidades de relações de trabalho, distinguidas pela informalidade e precariedade. Este modelo social tem evidenciado a complexidade, a desordem, a indeterminação e a incerteza de perceber, prever e calcular novos riscos sociais. Esta dissertação partiu do pressuposto de que o Estado, em suas diversas facetas, ou seja, Estado Liberal, Estado do Bem-Estar Social, Neoliberal e Pós-Neoliberal, pode ser um importante promovedor dos direitos sociais; no entanto, a promoção do direito fundamental ao trabalho, o qual se apresenta como um direito social de relevo para a Sociedade, no Pós-Neoliberalismo necessita da conjugação de duplos atores, quais sejam, a Sociedade e o Estado, este através de eficazes políticas públicas promovedoras do direito ao trabalho, como se depreende das evidências resultantes desta pesquisa; aquela, através do controle e participação na vida política.

This thesis aims to better understand the under life of Indonesian academics during implementation of major policy changes associated with the Higher Education Act 2012. More specifically the study sought to explore and analyse the principal changes as experienced by academics in Indonesian state universities, how academics responded to these changes and the impact of these changes upon the nature of academic work and organisations. The research undertaken was in the form of a multiple-embedded case study using semi-structured interviews, observations, and document analysis as instruments to collect data. Interviews were conducted with 30 academics in three state universities in Indonesia. The findings demonstrate how Indonesian academics' work is moving away from their traditional functions and roles towards new prescribed roles revealing tensions between maintaining their existing identities and pressures from the external environment to adapt. Using Scott's notion of 'weapons of the weak' the study reveals how Indonesian academics have resisted and accommodated policy reform in ways that have taken largely discursive and unobtrusive forms. It is anticipated that the study will both contribute to a better understanding of the dynamics of academics' work lives as they encounter large scale reform, and offer guidance for policy makers in the formulation and enactment of relevant policy.

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Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-01T23:37:08Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tese_10615_DISSERTAÇÃO VERSÃO FINAL_PPGE.pdf: 1345433 bytes, checksum: 7c55e48e45983de4744cd069a2298512 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-07-26 / Este trabalho remete a um estudo acerca da implementação e institucionalização do PROEJA no Instituto Federal do Espírito Santo. Nesse sentido, busca problematizar as tensões e contradições que envolvem o processo de criação e implementação do PROEJA na rede federal, tendo em vista o papel do Estado na oferta de escolarização e de profissionalização. A pesquisa analisa a gênese do programa no governo Lula e sua continuidade no governo Dilma. Para tanto, a análise é, sobretudo política, tendo em vista o projeto neoliberal e neodesenvolvimentista. Com o intuito de propor uma discussão do objeto com base no Materialismo Histórico Dialético, entende-se que no seio da temática encontram-se inúmeras contradições baseado na relação dialética capital x trabalho. Dessa forma, realiza uma discussão do PROEJA em sua historicidade no IFES, tendo sua base legal como ponto de partida. A proposta metodológica é de natureza qualitativa, tendo o materialismo Histórico Dialético como princípio norteador, objetivando uma percepção marxista do problema. Assim, opta-se por três caminhos de análise: de forma inicial, a análise da documentação institucional do programa que inclui o marco legal e documentos relativos à sua implementação. O segundo caminho remete a uma pesquisa bibliográfica dos recentes trabalhos realizados acerca da temática. No terceiro caminho a ida a campo realiza-se entrevistas em profundidade com os sujeitos e gestores do PROEJA. Os resultados apontam para um programa que se constitui enquanto força contra-hegemônica no Instituto Federal do Espírito Santo, tendo em vista a tradição do trabalho em sua cultura escolar caracteriza-se por práticas seletivas meritocráticas e não inclusivas. Este contexto reflete diretamente na oferta escolar revelando de tensões e contradições o PROEJA.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-12T23:15:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 arquivo9204_1.pdf: 1243569 bytes, checksum: 9f1b55725db2ee3c0748988a83afc6ec (MD5) license.txt: 1748 bytes, checksum: 8a4605be74aa9ea9d79846c1fba20a33 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / A publicidade, uma das principais ferramentas do sistema capitalista e neoliberal de estímulo à propagação da cultura de consumo, exerce, inquestionavelmente, papel fundamental na promoção do individualismo e das novas formas de sociabilidade, mediadas pelo mercado. O automóvel é um dos símbolos mais importantes deste individualismo característico da ordem social contemporânea, detentora de um extremo dinamismo que vem influenciando significativamente as relações sociais e o modo como os indivíduos constroem suas identidades. O consumo de automóveis no Brasil envolve questões bastante complexas. A realidade socioeconômica local, de enorme concentração de renda e de desigualdades sociais, condiciona, quase que exclusivamente, às classes altas o acesso a tal mercadoria. Esta dissertação analisa a lógica contemporânea de atuação da publicidade no Brasil, em meio ao sistema capitalista e neoliberal, a fim de compreender de que maneira os indivíduos e suas relações sociais são representados no discurso publicitário de automóveis do País. Para tanto, conta-se com uma seleção de VTs (comerciais de televisão) veiculados nos anos de 2004 e 2005 pelas empresas Ford, Fiat e Volkswagen. Estas se posicionam entre as mais atuantes no mercado publicitário em questão, bem como lideram as vendas de automóveis no País

The United States has been at war with North Korea since 1950, although hostilities have been on hold on the peninsula since July 27, 1953. Despite the cessation of active hostilities, the tensions on the Korean Peninsula increased in recent years when North Korea developed nuclear weapons. Increasing tensions due to nuclear weapons and the frozen state of conflict necessitate a re-evaluation of United States foreign policy on the peninsula to achieve a détente. To date, relations on the Korean peninsula are best described as zero sum. Central to the challenge of achieving détente on the peninsula is the ability to shift actors away from zero-sum behavior to that of positive-sum relationship to achieve gains that foster iterative interactions. As these iterative interactions occur, states extend their view of threats outward and build new reference points for mutual engagement. They become, in the words of Joseph Nye and Robert Keohane, interdependent. How can the United States shift its relationship with North Korea from one defined by relative gains to one defined by absolute gains? Has the United States or another country effectively transitioned an adversary from a zero- to a positive-sum relationship and what lessons are applicable to relations on the Korean peninsula? / Master of Arts / This analysis builds a theoretical framework for understanding neoliberal institutionalism. Building on past negotiations, the interpretation of these findings aim to assist military and global security scholars and policymakers with findings and recommendations to help find a way forward for the United States to contain the nuclear power of North Korea. We find that, consistent with the theory, leaders on both sides (i.e., Democratic and Communist) have used political, domestic, economic, justice, and security to support their specific theoretical mechanisms. These are all foundational principles for a theoretical approach. This analysis uses a multiple-case study approach and cross-case analysis to understand how the outcomes were reached. We evaluate our theory through Korean history and the careful analysis of two United States and Korean agreements: the 1994 Agreed Framework and multilateral six-party talks/2005 agreement. By determining the outcomes of these two negotiations, we can understand the motivating factors on both sides. Through these case studies analysis of these negotiations, we can help the United States deescalate/rid the current nuclear crisis with one or several hypothetical outcomes.

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