The purpose of this thesis was to determine the role of Europeanization, described as a convergence process, including the supremacy of EU law, as well as non-binding instruments, on French language policies from the adoption of the Treaty on European Union (1993) onwards, and its impact on the long-lasting relationship between language and identity in France. The study starts by investigating the development of nationalism in Europe in general and in France in particular. From a historical perspective, France is usually defined as a civic nation. Yet the French language became the most distinctive feature of national identity, with a view to bring about the cultural homogenization of all citizens, leading to the repression of regional languages. In the second half of the 20th century, the specter of globalization and Americanization influenced the development of protective language policies in France such as laws restricting foreign loanwords in French and banning the use of English in the public sphere. The most representative of these policies is the Toubon law (1994), which can also express the fear of European integration, bringing about the use of English, especially through the free movement of goods. After the signature (but no ratification) of the European Charter for Regional or Minority Languages from the Council of Europe in 1999, measures more in favour of regional languages were adopted in France, even if mostly symbolic. At the same time, the fight against English seemed to have subsided somewhat. In a broader framework, the vitality of a particular language always seems to be linked to cultural, political and economic power. The conclusion of the thesis shows that Europeanization was associated with globalization in the beginning of the 1990’s and that this process has gradually questioned the exclusive relationship between the French language and national identity. Yet it seems that today, the European Union is more conceived as a new arena in which France can build a positive identity for itself by being active on the international stage, and by defending multilingualism. If France seems to have gradually developed a more pluralistic view on language, mirroring the motto “United in diversity”, the European Union should still find a balance between unity and diversity and give a tangible content to the concept of multilingualism.

Abstract The main purpose of this study was to understand the relationship between junior high school students' attitudes of political symbols and national identity in Kaohsiung. Principal methods used in this study are literature review, questionnaire survey, correlation method, analysis of variance and regression analysis. Questionnaires of this study were sent to 600 third graders from 25 junior high school in the greater Kaohsiung area. Valid questionnaires were secured from 545 third graders. Six principal study results, which were obtain from data analysis in this study, are stated as follows: 1. The political symbols attitude of junior high school students in the greater Kaohsiung area tended to positive and active. 2. Junior high school students in the greater Kaohsiung area of national identity tended to identify with Taiwan is very strong. 3. There are significant differences in the attitude of political symbols among junior high school students of different backgrounds. 4. There are significant differences in the tendency of national identity among junior high school students of different backgrounds. 5. There are significant positive correlation of in the greater Kaohsiung area among junior high school students' attitudes of political symbols and national identities. 6. Junior high school students' of political symbols attitude in regard to national identity have predictive power. Finally, according to the study results, the following specific recommendations: 1. To select suitable teaching materials, and to make arrangements for appropriate courses. 2. To guide students' positive political attitude, and to encourage students to participate in the democratic political affairs. 3. To encourage students to actively participate in school activities and to be school cadres. 4. To focus on the effectiveness of the formal curriculum, and to help the potential curriculum at the same time. 5.To implement family education, and to establish a good parent-child relationship. 6. We can with the children care about public issues and foster their civic literacy. 7. To revised syllabuses, and to upgrade junior high school students toward national identity. 8. To set out a pragmatic and open-minded review of the principle about politically sensitive issues.

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My dissertation aims to uncover the complex relationship among religion, literature, and national identity by considering the case of Christianity in modern Japan. Although Christianity was never successful in propagating its religious messages to the masses in the history of Japan, the re-introduction of Christianity in the late nineteenth century left a surprisingly powerful impression because, for many Japanese writers, it presented the “Western spirituality” against which they defined their religious, national and even artistic identities. By examining the works of two non-Christian authors, Akutagawa Ryūnosuke (1892-1927) and Yokomitsu Ri’ichi (1898-1947), and one Christian author Endō Shūsaku (1923-1996), I show how the encounter with Christianity was often crucial to sculpting perceptions of Japanese identity, religion, as well as art in the twentieth century. For the cosmopolitan Taishō author Akutagawa, Christianity was one of the motifs that stimulated his artistic production. Juxtaposing Christianity’s “power that destroys,” he celebrated Japanese religion’s “power that re-creates,” likening it to the process of artistic creation. A devotee to art throughout his life, Akutagawa maintained his unfaltering belief that the ultimate creator is art, and not God: he even re-created Christ into an artist in his final essay. Yokomitsu’s last novel, A Traveler’s Sadness demonstrates how Christianity acts as the catalyst for the establishment of Japanese national identity. Written mostly under Imperial Japan, the novel showcases the fear for the loss of Japanese identity in the face of overwhelming Western influence, as well as the urge to establish one, utilizing Ancient Shinto as the source. Ironically, however, it is discovered only when pitted against Christianity, the foreign religion. Endō began his career as an author because he wanted to reconcile his conflicting Christian and Japanese identities. Even though he initially scrutinized his native country of Japan and its religion with his internalized, critical Catholic gaze, his artistic endeavor gradually transformed Endō into what I call a “catholic” Catholic: he came to embrace Japanese religions and heritage without denouncing his Catholic faith. Even though these three authors had different motivations and issues to tackle, their negotiations illuminate how complex and interconnected are the relationships among their religious, national and artistic identities. / text

This thesis is in response to scholarly works on Japanese society and the ideal of the monoethnic race in relation to minorities and immigrants living in contemporary Japan. Race is as much a biological concept as it is a social one, and much of our modern understanding of race was borne out of the scientific and philosophic thought of nineteenth-century Europe and North American. Therefore, I posit that the adoption of western science by Japan effectively translated the Japanese body into a biological construct and blurred the line between science and culture, developing into a racially-based national identity by the time of the Pacific War. The construction of the Japanese body in this manner occurred in three successive translations: (1)the body as an object to be improved upon in order to compete with the West; (2) the body as a racialized object, distinct from all others and (3)the body as an object to be safeguarded from degradation. The discourse among social actors, including scholars, the government, religious leaders, and others, followed along western models of biological determinism and ultimately led to Japan's own indigenous form of eugenics. The catalyst for this process was the "scientizing" of the body. Just as Douglas has theorized that what is acted upon the body reflects larger societal issues, when western science was placed into the framework of the Japanese body it can be discerned that the translation from a traditional form to a scientific one, resulting in a "scientized" body. However, the translation was not wholesale and indigenous concepts of the body, like the family state, merged with biodeterminist conceptions to create a mono-ethnic race in line with Neo-Shintoist ideology. Implications for postwar Japan fall outside the confines of this thesis, but threads from the prewar period do carry over into the present.

Using a multiple social identities framework, this thesis investigates the relations among ethnic identity, national identity, and discrimination in a sample of 181 Chinese immigrant families to Canada. While a large body of research has investigated the relations between ethnic identity and discrimination among ethnic minority young adults, relatively less is known about the role of national identity and how discrimination and identity are related among immigrant populations and in other developmental periods. This study used a sample of immigrant adults and their adolescent children to investigate these relations during the developmental periods of adolescence and middle adulthood. Results indicate that ethnic and national identities are generally positively associated. However, high levels of discrimination were found to dampen this positive relation, indicating that discrimination thwarts bicultural identity attainment. Unique patterns for adolescents and immigrant adult males emerged suggesting that both developmental considerations and sex differences are key in understanding the relations between social identities and discrimination among immigrant individuals. Clinical and policy implications are discussed. / Graduate

This thesis consists of three case studies on Korean nationalism: the ‘Korean Wave,’ the relationship between technology and nationalism marked by the ‘iPhone fever,’ and ‘Hines Ward syndrome.’ The three cases and the scant attention paid to them are symptoms of both the profound changes in and the ascendancy of nationalism in contemporary Korea. Taking Korean nationalism as a discursive formation, not as a pathology or a necessary manifestation of national sovereignty, this study challenges the dominant concept of the Korean nation as a real entity. To examine these pertinent cases is an indispensable element in this study’s attempt to avoid the essentialized and fossilized understanding of the Korean nation and nationalism. By analyzing a wide range of discourses on the cases, this thesis seeks to capture the multilayered appreciation of Korean nationalism. The Korean Wave has been one of the most predominant discourses in which a set of heterogeneous cultural commodities, the Korean Wave, is represented as a demonstration of the Korean nation’s cultural potential. One of the purposes of this thesis is to deconstruct this naturalized link between culture and place. This study also rejects the deep-rooted belief in the relationship between technology and national development. Technology and science in Korea do not inherently belong to the pure realm of Truth. Technology and science have been reproduced and constructed as a driving force for and/or an indicator of national development, not only by the national elites but also by ordinary Koreans. Whereas Hines Ward as a marker of unstable boundaries of the Korean nation appears to pave the way for the elimination of long standing discrimination against mixed-blood (honhyeol) people, the unquestioned links between race and culture as well as place and identity are still prominent even in multiculturalism as an alternative to the label of honhyeol. Based on these findings, this thesis argues, despite the pronouncement of the popular globalization thesis envisioning the death of nations and nationalism, that Korean nationalism continues to exist as a center of everyday discursive practices. / text

In the 1990's, the U.S. saw one of the largest periods of migration to its shores in its history. This surge of immigrants can be classified predominantly as Latino or Asian, which will inevitably result in demographic changes within the country. The largest proportion of immigrants claim Mexico as their country of origin, and according to the U.S. Census Bureau, Hispanics now represent the country's largest minority population. Given these facts, it is important to examine a body of literature that warns of the "balkanization" of America and suggests an inability of this new wave of immigrants to assimilate into American society. Previous research on attitudes towards immigrants has found both cultural and economic indicators to be important determinants of public opinion on this issue. I will expand this research by examining how the public perception of the ability of immigrants to assume an "American" identity and assimilate into society will affect attitudes towards immigrants. My primary research questions are: 1) How do different conceptions of national identity affect attitudes towards immigrants? 2) How do perceptions of the ability of immigrant groups to integrate into American society affect restrictionist views on immigration policy? 3) What group and individual-level characteristics determine differing levels of support for the dimensions of American national identity? My findings suggest that the weight attributed to three distinct dimensions of national identity conditions attitudes towards immigrants and their incorporation into American society.

Debates on nationalism highlight loyalty and solidarity as the main benefits of a shared national identity, at the same time contrasting nationhood with universalist models of political action. This interdisciplinary thesis attempts to show nationalism as part of a broader project of modernity. In doing so, I defend a comprehensive view of nationhood, which, I argue, accounts for the recent transformation of nationhood, and explains the potential of national identity to open to universal values and norms. First, I put forward my view of nationhood, which defines nations as forms of political experience. I argue that nations have an ability to create a common public world. Second, by investigating the idea of the modern self and its relationship with individual autonomy, this thesis shows that modernity is characterised by a tension between rational autonomy and subjectivisation. This political self, I argue, develops in a bounded political community. Third, I argue that nations provide access to a common world in which everyone is recognised as moral and political agents. The paradoxical nature of the modern self takes advantage of the capacity of nations to be a source of solidarity that transcends national borders.

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