This study looks at the broader transformations in Cuban history through the case study of a single, yet symbolic, man, and proposes a new paradigm for understanding the dynamics of Cuban society and culture. It also examines the implications for Cuba’s aspiring national identity at the turn of the twentieth century, by detailing the interplay between fact and fiction in the story of Alberto Yarini: elite born; well-educated; politically and socially well-connected; powerful; and celebrated Cuban racketeer and chulo (pimp). Yarini was described as vibrant and triumphant at a time when other nation-building forces in Cuba were weak and ambivalent. A century after his dramatic death, Yarini became the quintessential public man in Cuban lore who symbolized a cubanidad (Cuban national identity) not defined in terms of the ideological hegemony of class, race, or gender, and who through his actions dispelled the ambivalence that plagued Cuban nationalism. Using archival documents, contemporary newspaper accounts, court records, memoirs, and published works, this study analyzes the confluence of national events and individual action in the formation of Cuban national identity. It contends that for Cuba, the failure of nation-building experiments resulted in an ambivalent national identity based on failed philosophical and political ideals of equality and prosperity. These ideals played out within the context of the realities of racial discrimination, political dissonance, and class and gender barriers. Instead of a cohesive sense of national character, for Cubans the result was a competing set of identities including a populist version that was defined through identification with antitypes and pseudo-heroes such as Alberto Yarini y Ponce de León (1882-1910), a rising politician and celebrated chulo of the early republic. The telling and retelling of his story has given rise to what has been termed the island nation’s first national myth – one that continues to evolve and grow in the twenty-first century. For many Cubans, the Yarini antitype provided an idealized national identity which in many ways was—and many argue continues to be— the expression of an elusive and ambivalent cubanidad.

<p>The aim of this paper is to describe the position of the Swedish welfare state within the shaping of a Swedish national identity. This is done through the study of Mångkulturåret 2006, and its rhetorical context. The point of departure is that history is formed continuously in current speech and a text analytical method has been used. Mångkulturåret was issued by the Department of Culture as an extended perspective of Cultural politics. The rhetoric used in the official document Agenda för Mångkultur is analyzed through a comparison with earlier official documents on the field of multiculturalism and integration. This is done with the aid of a model composed of three rhetorical opposition fields. Charles Taylor’s theory ’Politics of recognitions’ and the criticism towards this theory are the main theoretical references. The politics proclaimed for Mångkulturåret 2006 included elements similar to ”The politics of recognition” and the rhetoric was linked to former documents on the field. The logics of mångkulturpolitiken withheld the idea of national identity through the definite exclusion of immigrants. Although not ethnically or culturally homogeneous they were assumed to have similar interests and a common identity due to their “otherness” (olikhet). The non-ethnics were recognized by their broken Swedish and their different appearance and were to be acknowledged for these traits as well as their assumed geographical location, their suburbness (förortssvenskhet). The rhetorical expression "mångfald” (multitude) was used to withhold a notion of difference between ethnical Swedish citizens and non-ethnics. (“utomsvenskar”)</p>

This research focuses on the study of Taiwan college level students¡¦ attitude toward national identity, including their ideology and overall thought process. This study also provides a complete spectrum regarding to students¡¦ background, and ethnic group. This study hopes to provide significant suggestions for further research, planning over this subject in the future. This study applied stratified sampling method to collect survey data from 1128 (valid samples) college level students around Kaohsiung area. This investigation is based on the measurement of ¡§College Level Students¡¦ National Identity Survey Form¡¨ and the collected data were analyzed by descriptive statistics, t-test, one-way ANOVA and Pearson product-moment correlation. The major findings were described as follows: 1. Kaohsiung area college level students clearly show the identification with national (R.O.C.) symbol, Chinese culture and the Taiwan institution, however, there is no clear indication to show their preference of national image, and their standings that Taiwan should be unified with China or be an independent state. In summary, the collected data could not tell the inclination to Taiwan or China. 2. In Kaohsiung area, students with different background factors clearly show variant inclination in national identity; those factors can be identified as: ¡§political party preference¡¨, ¡§ethnic group influence¡¨. 3. Based on the results of ¡§National Identity Multi-Spectrum Survey Form¡¨, the students¡¦ ideology is strongly correlated with their ethnic culture identification, however, the correlation between the students¡¦ ideology and the symbol of the state, national image, inclination to unification or independence is moderate; finally, the correlation between students¡¦ thinking disposition and institutional identity shows weak link. 4. For Kaohsiung area college level students, ethnic culture identification is an important factor for their attitude toward national identification; this phenomenon also implies a strong divergence between ethnic culture identification. However, it seems institutional identification is a fair factor for students¡¦ attitude toward national identification. This also indicates students do not have significant dispute over this subject.

My thesis, then, proposes to examine an often-overlooked field in which tensions relating to immigration also occurs: health care. It aims to better understand how Germany’s health care system, particularly its emergency facilities, have responded to the increasing ethnic and cultural diversity of patients as a result of these demographic shifts, and what still must be done to provide equal and satisfactory health care for all patients.

In Cold War North America, liberal intellectuals constructed the Canadian and American national identities in contrast to totalitarianism. Theorists of totalitarianism described Nazi Germany and the Soviet Union as monolithic societies marked by absolutism and intolerance toward societal differences. In response, many intellectuals imagined Canada and the United States as pluralistic nations that valued diversity. The ways in which Canadians and Americans imagined their respective national identities also varied with epistemological trends that were based on the ideas of totalitarianism and its correlate, anti-totalitarianism. These trends emphasized particularity and diversity. Using archival sources, interviews with policy-makers, and analysis of key texts, Multicultural Cold War outlines the history of theories of totalitarianism, related trends in epistemology, the genealogy of the social sciences, and the works of Canadian and American proponents of cultural pluralism and multiculturalism. It centers attention on Canada and the United States where the unreflective ideology of anti-totalitarianism was widespread and the postwar enthusiasm for ethnicity and cultural pluralism became especially pronounced. In the U.S.A. this enthusiasm found expression among public intellectuals who defined cultural pluralism in their scholarship and social criticism. In Canada, discourses of multiculturalism originated in the hearings of the Royal Commission on Bilingualism and Biculturalism and the political thought of Pierre Elliot Trudeau. This dissertation shows that enthusiasm for sub-national group particularity, pluralism, and diversity was a transnational North American trend. / Dissertation

Abstract Reform, liberalization, and economic takeoff have propelled China toward becoming a major world power. Media industrialization and market orientation, combined with the growing pace of conglomeratization and globalization, are now an important national strategy for Beijing. One of its objectives is to gain a dominant voice in the international community while holding its own against leading European and American transnational media that are already eyeing China¡¦s media industry. Another objective is to suppress Taiwan¡¦s voice in the world arena and gradually marginalize Taiwan¡¦s film and television industries in the ethnic Chinese community. Even while the two sides of the Taiwan Strait are actively engaged in cultural and media exchanges, Taiwan has experienced a slowdown as China picks up pace in audiovisual media development. Taiwanese businesses and performing artists have been forced to take a strategic approach in seeking a future in China¡¦s market. This has resulted in an outflow of capital, human resources, and technology that has hurt Taiwan¡¦s film and television industries. China, on its part, has strategically ¡§attracted funding while keeping out programs¡¨ through media exchange policies and legal restrictions. It has blocked the broadcast of Taiwanese TV productions on local channels as well as the reception of Taiwan¡¦s TV channels. Additionally, it has used its huge market potential as bait to lure Taiwanese performing artists and media professionals to seek commercial and performing opportunities on the other side of the Strait. Through this two-pronged approach, China is trying to establish cultural hegemony over Taiwan with its media exports while pushing for unification. In other words, China¡¦s rapidly expanding audiovisual industry and the platform for cross-strait media exchange have contributed to the dwindling of Taiwan¡¦s film and television industries. China¡¦s carrot-and-stick strategy has compelled Taiwanese artists to cooperate and openly express views on specific political and national identity issues, thereby influencing viewers and listeners in Taiwan. This thesis explores how China¡¦s swiftly growing media industry has marginalized Taiwan¡¦s audiovisual media and influenced the national identity concept of Taiwanese performing artists. For this purpose, historical records and documents are analyzed and in-depth interviews conducted. The thesis takes an interdisciplinary approach that incorporates the concept of cultural hegemony espoused by Antonio Gramsci, the theory of culture industry advocated by Anthony Giddens and Nicholas Garnham, the role of discourse proposed by Michel Foucault, and the concept of national identity expounded by Benedict Anderson and Jhang Mao-guei. Research findings indicate a large gap between publicly expressed views and genuine standpoints of Taiwanese performing artists. Their positions on national identity clearly reflect a complex effect resulting from indelible impressions of Taiwan¡¦s history, education under the 50-year rule by the Kuomintang, Taiwan¡¦s democratic achievements, and realization that China adopts a very different social system. The study has not found a perceptible change in the national identity concept of Taiwanese artists seeking a future on the western shore of the Strait. Nonetheless, should cross-strait media exchange expand and Taiwan¡¦s film and television industries continue to weaken, Taiwanese artists will ultimately seek a sustainable future in China. Sooner or later, they will identify with China and embrace Beijing¡¦s ideological stand on cross-strait unification. Keywords: cultural hegemony culture industry conglomeratization media exchange, audiovisual exchange exposition national identity

In my research, the national identity process, which includes the family factor, school factors, mass media factor, peer group factor, of the private senior high school students, were explored and analyzed by using a method of SPSS version 10.0. The object of this research is to understand the diverse effects in national identity, which includes view, nation symbols, referendum function, denationalize position, of students with different social background.

Taiwan¡¦s democratization which began during former president Lee Teng-Hui¡¦s ¡]§õµn½÷¡^administration¡]1988-2000¡^has to be multiple values and open society. The democracy trend has influence the identity of nations ¡Ðeven the signature, meaning and territory of R. O. C. ¡]The Republic of China¡^ etc. issues¡Ðand the legitimacy of the governments. This article believes that culture policies are the key point of these issues, which have created cleavage of identity of nations, which even despoil the consolidation of democracy ¡X that is a common agreement of an order political board of nations. I believe that to decalcify the direction and change of culture policies is necessary and benefit for Taiwan¡¦s democratization consolidation. Generally, There are three main dimensions of culture policy researches: one is about the growth of economics; another is about the management¡]release and control¡^ of information-communication; the other is about individual¡¦s consensus which heritage from the socializations and nation¡¦s cultures. If we were used the three main dimensions to analysis Taiwan¡¦s development process of culture policies, we could discover that form two former Chiang president periods¡]¨â½±®É¥N¡^ to former president Lee Teng-Hui¡¦s administration, they were concerning on the first and second dimensions. The main points of culture policies of this period, which are the promotion of political loyalty, distribution of the massage which satisfied the profits of the ruler ranker, and educated the youths to be an unable to judge what is a justice and fairness for a society or a nations. But, the post- Lee Teng-Hui¡¦s period, Lee claims ¡§One-Country-On-Each-Side-Of-The-Strait¡¨¡]¨â°ê½×¡^and ¡§New Taiwanese¡¨¡]·s¥xÆW¤H¡^that is the great cleavage point from the culture policies of two former Chiang president periods culture policies which are ¡§Chinese Culture Recovery Movement¡¨¡]¤¤µØ¤å¤Æ´_¿³¹B°Ê¡^and ¡§Pax China¡¨¡]¤j¤¤°ê·NÃÑ¡^. The culture policy of Chen Shui-bian ¡]³¯¤ô«ó¡^,who beats competitor of KMT which party empower for 50 years, concerns over the first and third dimension of culture policies researches and is continued Lee¡¦s ¡§New Taiwanese¡¨ formation.The culture policies of Chen¡¦s administration are more concern over what are economic benefits ¡]incomes¡^ from them.

Today every city and town in Turkey has at least one monument of Mustafa Kemal Atatürk (1881-1938), the founding father of the Turkish Republic, located in one of its most important public spaces. All private and state primary, middle and high schools have at least one bust of him in front of which students have to line up every Monday morning and Friday evening to chant the national anthem. Apart from statues and busts, his portraits and pictures are hung in every office in state buildings and in most private offices. His name has been bestowed upon boulevards, parks, stadiums, concert halls, bridges, forests, and, more importantly, on educational institutions. Among these many public expressions, the monumental statues of Atatürk erected before he died exemplify one of the most effective instruments of the elite-driven modernization in early republican Turkey (1923-1938). These monuments reveal the ways in which Atatürk and his political elites attempted to establish a modern and secular sense of identity as well as a new official public culture and official history, mainly constructed through Atatürk’s Nutuk, the speech which he delivered in 1927. Nutuk was Atatürk’s public defense of his policies during the military and diplomatic struggle for independence in Anatolia between 1919 and 1923. It has not only become a remarkable and extremely influential text both in Turkish and foreign historiographies but also has been the source for visualizing the official interpretation of the struggle for independence in Turkey to the present day. Thus, all the monuments of the early Republic stand for such orthodox interpretations of history, emerging defensive Turkish nationalism and national identity while symbolizing the closure of the predating Ottoman Empire. Codified within this new national identity are the elements of secularization and racial homogenization of the society, a western cult of the “Orient” in the Orient, and an effort to control and limit the cultural and religious hegemony of Islam in the official public culture of early republican Turkey. / text

The Mexican Revolution of 1910-1920 resulted in a massive population loss that revolutionary officials sought to replace with a generation of active citizens. This dissertation demonstrates that the child's role from 1920 to 1940 transformed from that of an individual bounded by the family to that of a member of the community, the nation, and a transnational generation. Children entered the historical record in unprecedented numbers. Due to the impressive expansion of public education and the increased civic engagement that it yielded, children produced a rich cache of documents--letters, drawings, plays, and speeches--that provide a measure by which to gauge their responses to revolutionary programs.First, I explore adult-produced rhetoric and policies that placed children at the center of plans for creating new revolutionary citizens. Lawmakers, professionals, and governors attempted to construct a homogeneous generation of citizens through the balanced application of sound pedagogy, firm ideology, and modern medicine. Adults transformed public space and assumed new rhetorical styles that refashioned the child as a metaphor for the nation's future.Second, I measure children's responses to government and popular efforts to construct a universal childhood, and I demonstrate the uneven process of cultural dissemination. Unexpected reactions by younger children to itinerant educational puppet shows revealed age as a factor in reception. Children's letters to radio officials demonstrated that middle class children had greater access to the new media. Contributions to the art magazine Pulgarcito suggested a romanticization of rural children.Third, I reveal the ways that participation in civic activities expanded children's social networks and allowed them to imagine themselves as part of a national and international community of their peers. Children's conferences, literacy campaigns, and anti-alcohol marches, allowed children to sample national political culture and gain exposure to its hierarchies and bureaucracy. Pan-American exchanges between schoolchildren meant that Mexican youth saw themselves as part of a hemispheric family, united by a common race and common colonial heritage. The children growing up during these decades learned skills, gained a sense of political awareness, and absorbed and created cultural expressions that became recognized the world over as being distinctly Mexican.