Submitted by Júlio António Aponto Té Aponto Té (apontote2008@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-02-25T19:15:19Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PDF TESE CORREÇÃO 02-VALIDO.pdf: 3040135 bytes, checksum: 9e209f8505896d9af8e59b65fac4a437 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-02-25T19:52:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 apontote_ja_me_mar_par.pdf: 448731 bytes, checksum: daf2804694d5072d8fb3cd837ad248d0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-02-25T19:52:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 apontote_ja_me_mar_par.pdf: 448731 bytes, checksum: daf2804694d5072d8fb3cd837ad248d0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-01-27 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Esta dissertação analisa as contribuições da música e da mídia para a formação da identidade nacional na Guiné-Bissau em dois momentos históricos: da Revolução Armada à independência e a fase pós- independência. Para tanto, foi necessário mostrar a trajetória do PAIGC (Partido Africano para Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde) neste processo com base tanto em estudos bibliográficos como em entrevistas gravadas a fim de mostrar como os processos da comunicação a partir da musicalidade (por meio da mídia - Rádio) eram projetados por este partido para a construção do Estado-nação, que por sua vez visava promover a “resistência cultural” para a construção de uma unidade nacional no contexto de uma sociedade culturalmente heterogênea, socialmente estratificada e inserida no contexto de globalização e de assimilação da cultura do colonizador (português). Para tanto, se tornou necessário analisar a trajetória e a produção intelectual de Amílcar Cabral, líder do PAIGC. Em seus escritos destacaram-se os textos sobre o surgimento dos movimentos de libertação nas colônias portuguesas no continente Africano - seus fundamentos político-ideológicos, bem como os caminhos traçados para constituir a união étnica no interior da Guiné e simultaneamente a adesão destes com Cabo Verde, isto com a perspectiva de superar o chamado tribalismo do povo guineense, que representava um grande obstáculo para o projeto de unidade nacional. Também, foram utilizadas entrevistas com alguns participantes da luta de libertação, incluindo djidius1, e líderes das vilas guineenses. / This dissertation aims at highlighting the two main historical moments in which Music and Media have subsidised Guinea-Bissau with important contribution for the formation of country´s National Identity; these moments are those of Armed revolution against the colonial force domination and the Post-independence period. It will be necessary though, to tell about the trajectory made by PAIGC (The African Party for Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde) in the two processes I mentioned, but also with supports on available bibliographic studies, records of interviews as well as vídeo tapes; all to show how much contributive the communication via Musicality and Media helped to project the Party´s sucess in paving the way for a peacefull living ( among the indiginous-culturally heterogeneous) despite the presence colonialists´. Thus, a call for a National Unity, for building a stratified society inserted in a context of globalization and assimilation of the colonizer's culture (Portuguese). For this purpose it was necessary to analyze the studies of Amílcar Cabral, leader of the PAIGC on the emergence of liberation movements in the Portuguese colonies on the African continent - highlighting their political and ideological foundations on the way of ethnic unity in the interior of Guinea-Bissau and simultaneously their accession with Cape Verde, as the so-called tribalism of the Bissau-Guinean, which represented a major obstacle to national unity Project today. Interviews were also used with some participants of the liberation struggle, including djidius, and leaders of the Guinean villages.

Magister Legum - LLM / Governing an ethnically diverse country constitutes a major challenge for state power and government in Cameroon. The call for national unity, championed by the regime in power has had to survive strong demands for greater autonomy and threats of secession by groups from within an English-speaking minority. In response to these demands and threats, and in conjunction with reforms to improve democratic governance and service delivery, Cameroon state administration has in the last decade resorted to decentralization as a technique for promoting national unity. The question this paper seeks to answer is whether decentralization is helpful or harmful to Cameroon national unity. This study traces the historical, constitutional and political development of the concepts of national unity and decentralization and critically examines their application in the Cameroonian context. It further tests the consolidation of national unity in Cameroon against a theoretical and empirical framework of decentralization. A one-dimensional view of the findings of this study is not very encouraging to regimes seeking to enhance national unity through the implementation of decentralization. However, the major conclusion of this study holds the position that the political outcome of decentralization on Cameroon national unity is largely a product of the constitutional regulation of both concepts and the manner in which the theoretical dimensions of decentralization are transplanted onto Cameroon political landscape. The paper recommends certain reforms to assist and guide Cameroon as it simultaneously implements decentralization and consolidates national unity. / South Africa

Magister Administrationis - MAdmin / The essence of the study is to examine progress in the transformation of public service under fiscal and constitutional contraints. The thesis focuses on the implementation of affirmative action and human resource development programmes. The emphasis is on linking the transformation of the public service with the attainment of RDP goals and objectives. The reform of the public service should create opportunities for the employment of new staff to improve the representativeness of the civil service, whilst at the same time increasing the efficiency and effectiveness of government, and generating significant savings to help reduce the fiscal deficit and release resource for productive investment.

Languages are not just systems for communication, they are also often a marker of ethnic and/or national identity and sometimes a politically contentious issue. A country where this is the case is Latvia, which has a large Russian-speaking population. During the Soviet occupation of Latvia, Russian became the dominant language in public life. Since regaining independence, Latvia has pursued language policies aimed at strengthening the position of the Latvian language, at the expense of the Russian. Latvian is the single official language and over the last decades, the bilingual education system inherited from the Soviet Union has moved towards an increasing share of Latvian as the language of instruction. In 2018, the Latvian parliament amended two educational laws, meaning the share of subjects being instructed in Latvian in so-called minority schools increased markedly. The decision was controversial and was opposed by parties with a large Russian-speaking voter base. The purpose of the thesis is twofold. The first is to describe and analyse the arguments of political actors[1] regarding mono- and multilingual education, focusing on the reform of 2018. The arguments will be analysed in relation to theory regarding the connection between nationalism/nationhood and language, and theory on linguistic minority rights. The second part of the purpose is to advocate normatively and constructively for an approach regarding two different areas of policy: 1) Whether Russian should be an official language or not. 2) Language policy in education. The point of departure for the analysis is the aspiration to create a sense of national belonging, where both Russian-speakers and Latvian-speakers are seen as a part of the Latvian imagined community. In order to create this sense of inclusive imagined community, the approach seeks to be impartial in relation to the “pro-Latvian” and “pro-minority” positions with regards to language policy. The normative argumentation also seeks to include and balance the values of linguistic minority rights and preserving small languages (such as Latvian). For the first part of the thesis, a descriptive idea analysis is applied. The arguments are analysed in relation to my theoretical framework, which consists of various concepts relating to the relationship between language and nationalism and models regarding linguistic rights. The main analytical tool is the concept of an imagined community, where a sense of national belonging and social cohesion can be based on either mono- or multilingualism. In the second part, a normative and constructive method is used to argue for my position in a systematic fashion.   The arguments of the proponents of the 2018 reform can be described as based on the idea that Latvian is the common and unifying language of all the Latvian residents and one of the foundations of the imagined Latvian community. At the same time, the proponents claim wanting to ensure that members of linguistic minorities can preserve their language, and that the reform provides the right to learn a minority language. The opponents of the reform argue that, while it is important that students learn the Latvian language, drastically decreasing the level of instruction is an assimilatory policy that will weaken rather than strengthen the national unity.   In the second part, the author suggests that Latvian will remain the single official language since granting the Russian language official status may cause the language decline of Latvian, and because the issue is very divisive. In terms of language in the school system, the author concludes that Latvian ought to have a special position in Latvia and should therefore be the dominant language. Therefore, Latvian should be the main language of instruction, in the proportions prescribed by the 2018 reform. Another conclusion is that all students, regardless of mother tongue, should learn Russian on at least an elementary level. [1] Specified under “Delimitations”.

No description available.

No / Though India and Pakistan emerged as independent nation states sixty years ago, debates about the basis of Indian and Pakistani nationhood continue to reverberate through the politics of the two countries. Pakistan has been wracked by disputes over identity from its very inception. It split into two countries in 1971 when the eastern wing broke away to form Bangladesh. It has since been wrestling with issues of Punjabi dominance and Islamisation, which have put minorities of all sorts on the defensive. Independent India under Nehru¿s leadership proclaimed secular and egalitarian goals but theory and practice were often divergent. In recent years, the success of Hindu nationalist forces at the polls has raised new and uncomfortable questions for Indian minorities too. In Fault Lines of Nationhood, Gyanendra Pandey and Yunas Samad reflect on the construction of national identity in India and Pakistan from colonial times to the present day and examine how the working of democracy has created new majorities and minorities and helped to politicise issues of religion and ethnicity, region and language, class and caste. This book is essential reading for anyone interested in the dynamics of state building in India and Pakistan and the conflicting demands of national unity and social and political inclusiveness.

Many Zimbabweans experienced its 18 April 1980 independence of Zimbabwe as ushering in an era of hope. However, it is shown that events like Operations Murambatsvina and Makavhotasei, the Land Reform Program, and the Economic Structural Adjustment Program significantly and negatively impacted on the initial hope of independence. The study traces and explores the potential of Moltmann’s work on hope for the Zimbabwean context. It is concluded that Moltmann’s work can make a constructive contribution the meta-discourse on hope in Zimbabwe. This is specifically the case with reference to the way in which Moltmann’s theology of hope integrates the role of history, God’s promise in a comprehensive eschatological framework, grounded in his Christology. / Dissertation (MTh)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Dogmatics and Christian Ethics / unrestricted

This study focuses on the official political line of Taiwan’s President Tsai Ing-wen. By conducting a qualitative text analysis in the form of a structured, focused comparative study on President Tsai’s National Day addresses over the period of 2018-2022. The chosen research questions of the study are; how are President Tsai Ing-wen’s official statements on the diplomatic relation to China presented in the National Day Addresses over the period 2018-2022 and to what extent do they differ? And how is Taiwan's National Unity presented by President Tsai Ing-wen in the National Day Addresses over the period 2018-2022 and to what extent do they differ? The study deemed the themes China, ‘Us’ and ‘ Them’ and National Unity to be of importance. Furthermore, the conclusion showed that President Tsai's National Day addresses seem to have adapted to the increase of severity in threats that Taiwan faces over time. As the threats from China have grown more severe, but also as the world faced a pandemic, economic difficulties and other major conflicts world wide. Finally, President Tsai referenced Taiwan's international allies increasingly over the years. Emphasizing the importance of like minded democratic allies to strengthen Taiwan’s National Unity and security.

A presente tese trata da chamada “Questão de Limites” entre as províncias de Santa Catarina e Paraná, de 1853 (momento de emancipação da comarca de Curitiba) a 1889 (ano que marca o fim do Império do Brasil). O tema insere-se no contexto de estruturação política/econômica provincial e de construção da unidade nacional no Brasil oitocentista. Unidade aqui pensada com base na complexa interface entre esta e a formação do Estado, do território e da nação. O foco de análise concentra-se no exame das iniciativas tomadas pelas elites provinciais e pelo governo central, nos espaços imperiais de poder, a respeito da delimitação de uma fronteira “aberta” e extremamente “complexa”. Defende-se que, a contenda entre catarinenses e paranaenses se constituiu num problema de significativa importância política e econômica na fronteira sul, pois contemplava assuntos considerados centrais – “consideração política”, administração pública, desenvolvimento fiscal e expansão da colonização – inerentes ao processo de constituição da unidade nacional a partir das relações estabelecidas entre o centro (Corte) e as partes (províncias). A partir daí, sustenta-se que a não resolução da pendência de limites pode ser explicada através da própria natureza da organização política brasileira daquele período. Cabia ao Legislativo a definição do impasse, havia, porém, muitos interesses regionais e nacionais conflitantes em jogo durante os debates, os projetos, as negociações, os encaminhamentos e as decisões efetuadas pelos parlamentares. Apesar do centro (governo estabelecido no Rio de Janeiro) não ter interferido efetivamente na resolução do impasse fronteiriço entre duas unidades administrativas consideradas “pequenas”, o mesmo demonstrava muitos interesses com a organização interna do território. Santa Catarina e Paraná não possuíam uma ampla representação política no cenário nacional, mas eram apontadas pelas narrativas como fundamentais por estarem localizadas num espaço estratégico para a delimitação espacial do Estado Nacional. Nesse sentido, a continuidade de problemas com pendências territoriais entre muitas das províncias era vista como prejudicial para o desenvolvimento econômico e para a manutenção da estabilidade política. Assim, ao contrário do que se possa imaginar, a Questão de Limites revelou-se como um tema importante para se compreender – guardadas as devidas proporções de um caso específico – a organização política e econômica provincial, bem como o próprio processo de formação do território do Brasil. / This thesis deals with the so-called "Matter of Boundaries" between the provinces of Santa Catarina and Paraná, from 1853 (time of the emancipation of the district of Curitiba) to 1889 (year that marks the end of the Brazilian Empire). The theme is inserted in the context of provincial political / economic structuring and the construction of the national unity in the nineteenth-century Brazil. Unit, here, is based on the complex interface between it and the formation of the State, the territory, and the nation. The analysis focus on examining the initiatives taken by the provincial elites and the central government in the imperial areas of power regarding the delimitation of an "open" and extremely "complex" frontier. We believe that the dispute between the people of Santa Catarina and the people of Paraná constituted a problem of significant political and economic importance on the south frontier, for it contemplated issues considered central, like "political consideration", public administration, fiscal development and the expansion of colonization. All of them inherent in the process of the constitution of the national unity based on the relations established between the center (Court) and the parties (provinces). Thenceforth, it is sustained that the non-resolution of the pendency regarding limits can be explained by the very nature of the Brazilian political organization of that period. The definition of the impasse was in the Parliament hands. However, there were many conflicting regional and national interests at stake during the debates, the projects, the negotiations, the referrals and the decisions made by the Members of Parliament. Although the center (government established in Rio de Janeiro) did not effectively interfere in the resolution of the border impasse between two small administrative units, the central government (established in Rio de Janeiro) showed a lot of interest in the internal organization of the territory. Santa Catarina and Paraná did not have a very broad political representation on the national scenario, but according to the narratives, they were fundamental because they were located in a strategic space for the spatial delimitation of the National State. In this regard, the continuity of the pending territorial problems among many of the provinces was seen as detrimental in terms of economic development and the maintenance of political stability. So, contrary to what one may think, the Boundaries Matter has proven to be a relevant theme in the understanding – preserved the due proportions of a specific case – of the provincial political and economic organization, as well as the very process of the Brazilian territory formation.

Heather Metcalfe Doctoral Abstract, Ph.D. program, 2009 Department of History, University of Toronto “It’s All About War: Canadian Opinion and the Canadian Approach to International Relations, 1935-1939.” Canadians in the 1930s did not appear eager to focus on foreign affairs. The social and economic difficulties caused by the dislocation of the Great Depression meant that international developments often seemed remote and irrelevant. However, despite this focus on domestic issues, many Canadians were concerned with the trend of international events. As a result, the debate regarding the appropriate Canadian response remained an ongoing, if underlying, factor. In addition, the political issues raised by Canadian foreign policy, particularly through the Canadian involvement in the British Commonwealth and the League of Nations, meant the issue could not simply be ignored. During the later part of the decade, as the possibility of international conflict became ever more likely, increasing numbers of Canadians turned their attention to Canada’s international role. They also turned their attention to what this debate meant in terms of the Canadian sense of identity. These individuals were concerned as well with the response of Canadian public opinion to involvement overseas. This question, of the nature and susceptibility of Canadian public opinion to attempts to direct it, remains an intriguing one. The nature of this response remained open to question, and was the subject of significant debate among Canadian intellectuals, politicians and public figures. In response, a number of individuals and groups, including members of the Canadian press, attempted to influence Canadian public opinion. Many also pressured the Canadian government, led by William Lyon Mackenzie King’s administration, to play a more active role in shaping public opinion. Canadian intellectuals, for instance, influenced by contemporary writings on public opinion, seemed convinced of their natural role as ‘shapers’ of public opinion, particularly in a time of domestic and international crisis. These assumptions, and the ways in which Canadian public opinion both responded to, and rejected these attempts at direction, provide an interesting window into the question of public opinion, particularly in regards to international events. The debate regarding the Canadian response to the crises of the late 1930s can thus aid in gaining a greater appreciation of how public opinion shifts in response to outside challenges and the attempts to influence its course.