Post-reunification developments in German society, including the intensification of racism and nationalism, and the question of German identity, have led to a wide-ranging international debate. My thesis discusses some of the controversial issues and arguments raised, in an effort to understand the specific forms of contemporary German racism. The legal status and the political economy of asylum seekers are analysed, as are the debates leading to the mid-1993 change in Germany's Basic Law. Until then, a unique right which guaranteed asylum had existed. Its insertion into (West) Germany's provisional constitution in 1949 had been more ideologically than altruistically motivated. The change in legislation, primarily aimed at appeasing the racists, had the immediate effect of curbing numbers. Focusing on East-West migration, Germany's constitutional policy of accepting ethnic Germans from Eastern Europe is scrutinised. Previously a tool in the Cold War armoury, this open-armed approach was curtailed by an embryonic immigration law. In the aftermath of the collapse of 'communism' and German reunification, the integration of foreigners and of east- and ethnic Germans raised new questions about their respective rights. An examination of the changing terms of debate about citizenship and identity in German society reveals the different consequences for both citizens and non-citizens. Through briefly comparing German with French citizenship, the peculiarity of the former, and the framework for assessing the current 'dual nationality versus naturalisation' controversy, is established. Political and theoretical interest in German identity has resurfaced. In determining the key components of post-war identity, I found that anti-communism had stood out in serving as a negative reference point; now it is increasingly being replaced by racism. The mixture of biological and political factors in the new make-up of German collective identity appears to leave no room for foreigners. The critique of the contemporary German Left's approach to racism and identity is backed up by events in the city state of Bremen, particularly around the 1991 local elections, which - alongside fascist successes - revealed the Left's difficulty in sustaining a consistent anti-racism. The conclusion indicates that the issues of asylum, immigration and ethnic Germans had required serious answers before 1989. Reunification catapulted them to centre stage. The lack of a coherent theory and strategy is reflected in the ad-hoc, contradictory nature of policies dealing with the various categories of migrants. The 'solutions' proposed within the context of the German nation state are finally contrasted with those currently discussed at the European level.

The education level has proven to be a good predictor of a range of important outcomes. However, despite substantial research, there are still areas to further explore and as far as the author is aware of, a study comparing education effects between different regions has not been conducted. The aim of this paper is to link previous theory and research and use it to examine effects of the education level on four different areas; politics, health and well-being, social trust and nationalism and immigration. Specifically, focus is on exploring potential differences regarding education effects between the Nordic countries and other countries in Europe. The study was conducted using a quantitative method by analyzing data from European Social Survey covering the period 2012–2016. By adding interaction terms to the regression models this study indicated that the education effects were robust, with higher education levels being associated with higher trust and political interest, better health and well-being, and with less political cynicism and less negative attitudes towards immigration. The study also identified that the education effects differ between the Nordics compared to other European countries. Analysis of the data showed that the education effects related to politics and nationalism and immigration were stronger in the Nordic countries compared to other countries in Europe. In contrast, education effects related to health and well-being and social trust were stronger in other countries in Europe compared to the Nordics.