The purpose of this mixed methods research was to investigate the transformational leadership role of principals in Ethiopian secondary schools. The research examined the existence of transformational school leadership behaviours, strategies that leaders were employing and the relationship between transformational leadership roles of the principal and student achievement (10th grade GESLCE). Mixed methods involving qualitative and quantitative methods of data collection were used in order to triangulate the data and increase the validity of empirical material. The student achievement was assessed on the basis of on the percentage of passes in standardized assessments for the school year (2012/2005-2015/2007). Secondary schools in South Nations Nationalities and Peoples’ Regional State (SNNPRS) whose principals had been the incumbent for three or more years were selected purposively. A total of 80 surveys were distributed to school principals and 680 survey questionnaires to teachers in identified schools. Seventy-six school principals and 642 teachers returned the surveys representing 95% and 94.4 % return rate for principals and teachers, respectively. Interviews and focus group discussions were conducted with supervisors and teachers who worked with principals. Participants were informed of the objectives of the study and assured of the confidentiality of the research both in formal letters and in person. Factor analysis, means, standard deviations, Pearson and Spearman rho correlations, t-test and standard multiple regression were used to analyse quantitative data. In contrast, qualitative data were analyzed by grouping together common themes in each category and constructing a description of the participants’ views and perspectives. The findings revealed that transformational school leadership and its dimensions exist in secondary schools of SNNPR, Ethiopia. Among the six dimensions (namely; sharing school vision and building consensus, high performance expectation, individualized support, intellectual stimulation, modelling behaviour and building collaborative structure and strengthening school culture) three of them were ranked highly. These are, building collaborative structure, strengthening school culture and sharing school vision. On the other hand, building consensus and modelling behaviour had moderate score whereas, individualized support had relatively very low rank. Transformational leadership was accomplished through involving staff to be part of the mission, encouraging staff to come up with new initiatives, challenging the staff to meet beyond agreed standards, building trust, coach and support at individual level, sharing tasks as well as power, acting ethically and celebrating achievements to make their school effective. The relationship between transformational school leadership and student achievement showed that there is positive and moderate relationship, although it was statistically not significant. Socio-demographic data such as number of students in a school showed a negative correlation with student achievement. It is concluded that there was relationship between the principals’ transformational leadership role and student achievement in secondary school of SNNPRS of Ethiopia. Finally, the research calls for the principals to focus on more moral and material assistance to their staff’s professional growth, significant attention to the preparation and development of principals and adoption of transformational school leadership model in secondary school. The findings of the study add to limited but growing body of research on student achievement and the role of the transformational school leadership of the principal in school effectiveness. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Litt. et Phil. (Education Management)

While visiting preschools in rural areas of the southern region of Ethiopia, I became aware of the early childhood education (ECE) problems that emanated from ECE policy and its implementation. The problems I observed included that the school building was not well constructed for it had broken doors and windows, unclean and narrow rooms and the school campus had not enough space to allow kids to play freely. In addition, there were no learning materials and playground facilities and teachers did not have qualifications at all. From my subsequent observations that I had made with other preschools in a rural area, I observed the same problems. This situation triggered me to carry out this research. The overall purpose of this study was to establish the nature of ECE policy implementation at school-based Grade R classes of schools in southern Ethiopia. To achieve this aim, I employed the qualitative descriptive design for it helped me to capture and describe in-depth views, perceptions, meanings and practices of ECE policy practitioners. The major theories that informed this study are maturation, learning and interaction theories that promote holistic development of children via ECE programmes. There were 38 purposively selected subjects who participated in the study. The findings of the study revealed that practitioners had a lack of knowledge about policy implementation and did not teach correctly in the classrooms. Teachers taught Grade R with inadequate material resources and support; there was a lack of policy guidelines, standards, common curriculum, teamwork and supervision. Based on the findings, I recommended an interaction model of policy implementation that integrates bottom-up and top-down approaches to promote positive and active interplay between the policy managers at the top and implementers at the local level. / Psychology of Education / D. Ed. (Psychology of Education)

In this thesis, the purpose is to analyze the path that the nation building process in Kazakhstan has been following in the post-Soviet period through examining the various policies implemented and the official rhetoric and discourses stated by the Kazakh policymakers. The ethno-symbolist approach of Anthony D. Smith and the views of Walker Connor and Willfried Spohn on nationalism and national identity have been utilized in the analysis of the research. The Soviet Nationalities Policy is examined to be able to better understand the post-Soviet nation-building, because the policies implemented under this comprehensive project, which had been outlined by the Bolsheviks, had deep political, cultural, demographic and linguistic impacts on the process in Kazakhstan. The ethnic situation has also been laid down in order to highlight under which ethnic circumstances the nation building process has been taking place. After analyzing the Constitution of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the post-Soviet policies about language, education, employment, culture and national symbols, the statements of the President Nursultan Nazarbayev and the move of capital, this study claims that post-Soviet nation building process and nationalism in Kazakhstan have both ethnic and civic components whereby the nation building process in Kazakhstan is a more ethnic process than it is civic.

Instructional leadership is essential for the academic success of any schooling situation. Given this background, the researcher set out to investigate how instructional leadership is practiced and also could be improved in the Southern nations, nationalities and people’s region of Ethiopia; to this end, the researcher used a case study of four secondary schools. The main research question that framed the study was: How do principals practice effective instructional leadership role in secondary schools? A qualitative research method formed the basis of this study. The choice of schools for this study was deliberate, and was solely based on convenience. Participants in this study consisted of national educational experts, regional and district supervisors, as well as the principals of the selected schools from the sample areas. The following were selected from the sample areas: four school principals, six district supervisors and six regional experts. In addition, there were four experts from the Ministry of Education who also participated in the study. The analysis of the research data revealed that there is strong evidence of effective instructional leadership at the selected schools. However, despite the existence of this instructional leadership, these schools, like all other organizations, are still faced with a number of challenges that limit the effectiveness of the teaching and learning process. These challenges include lack of discipline, inadequate support, poor time management, lack of teaching and learning resources and poor training system. Participants were provided with a number of possible solutions to the problems identified. Principals were expected to be good role models in order to set examples for their staff members. An enabling environment had to be created for effective teaching and learning to take place. The researcher recommended the following new model: secondary school principals in the selected region were expected to have a vision and knowledge of instruction. In addition, they had to be committed to their work and be capable of creating a safe environment and a school culture conducive to effective teaching and learning. / Educational Leadership and Management / D. Ed. ( Educational Management)

The purpose of the study was to establish the counselling needs of secondary and preparatory school (Grades 9-12) adolescent students and to develop a comprehensive counselling model mainly from the perspectives of students and significant others. This study is born of concerns about the social, emotional, academic difficulties adolescents face and career concerns of learners without access to support services to assist them. The samples of the study were 256 students for quantitative data; for FGD-48 participants – (16 students, 18 teachers including counsellors, and 12 AdGs including 4 parents and 2 principals) were selected. The samples were selected by employing multi stage methods. Questionnaires, interviews and record analysis were used as instruments. The study used Sequential Mixed Method research design: The quantitative data was collected first and followed by qualitative data. Then, the data were analysed by employing statistical data analyses for quantitative data (Descriptive and inferential), including T-test and one-way ANOVA was tested for significance. In connection with this, percentage and mean were employed. For qualitative data, content analyses of transcripts of the qualitative information (in-depth interview of Focus Group interview results) were carried out to generate concepts, patterns and key themes. The study targeted to assess in what areas students need counselling assistances, and then assessed whether these needs vary according to school background, by gender, age group and across grade level. In line with this, the study attempted to examine the existing counselling practices whether it has been properly addressing the students’ needs or not; and also assessed to what extent it addressed the students’ needs, the barriers of addressing their needs and the way to improve the counselling needs of students with intension to develop the comprehensive counselling model. Accordingly, the study revealed the counselling needs areas like academic, relational, emotional, behavioural and career supports. Then, they were requested to prioritize their needs and they reported that counselling services, placement and information services in descending order. The study also revealed that students have great personal, school and comprehensive needs (Academic, personal-social and career needs in sub scale/theme categories) that call for the attention of concerned others. These research outcomes ascertained that the existing counselling services have not been properly and effectively addressing the needs of students. Barriers to address needs of students, awareness problems, absence of mandatory counselling policy and lack of emphasis due to understanding problems were considered as major challenges not to address the needs of students. Finally, the study concluded that the counselling programme/services are highly valued by students and teachers as well as by key informant groups that participated in focus group discussions. The study explored the possible alternative framework that can better enhance the comprehensive counselling procedure and tried to assess the need differences across gender, age group, grade level and school names, and came up with that there were similarities and need differences across these variables. Finally, possible interpretation and implication of the study including the recommendations were provided. / Psychology of Education / D. Ed. (Educational Psychology)

Mémoire de maîtrise utilisant les archives trouvées aux Archives Nationales de France ( AN section Paris), aux archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères de France (AMAE) et celles du fond d'archives Colonna Walewski (ACW). / Le Second Empire français est une période de grands changements sur la scène internationale. Profitant des diverses crises politiques de nature nationale secouant l’Europe et l’Amérique, Napoléon III entend profiter de ces dernières pour favoriser l’expansion de l’influence française dans des régions appelées à devenir névralgiques pour les intérêts impériaux. Érigée en moyen de puissance, la politique des nationalités est un discours politique flou, théorique et adapté aux besoins du moment par le régime du Prince-Président. Son principal objectif vise l’installation de régimes césaro-démocratiques alliés à la France. Ces derniers peuvent être implantés par divers moyens : la guerre, par des échanges de territoires entre souverains ou par une méthode politique novatrice, l’appel au peuple comme source de légitimité. Ce qui est inusité avec la politique des nationalités, c’est le recours systématique à une «volonté» populaire. Quelle se manifeste par des élections contrôlées ou par une assemblée de notables bien sélectionnés, il y a ce souci d’apparaître légitime auprès des différentes populations. En utilisant des sources primaires et de nombreuses recherches historiques et politiques, le présent mémoire étudie les divers mécanismes qui régissent la politique des nationalités de Napoléon III. Il sera question d’analyser la dynamique de la politique des nationalités et de la façon dont cette dernière permet l’accroissement de l’influence française en Italie, en Allemagne, au Mexique et finalement dans la Syrie ottomane. / The Second French Empire was a period of great change on the international scene in Europe and America. Using the diverse national crises that were shaking the European and American balance of power, Napoleon III intended to use these crises in order to favour French influence in regions where her interests were starting to become vital for worldwide supremacy. Put forward as a means of power, the policy of nationalities is an abstract political idea that creates a political discourse which favors imperial projects around the world. The objective of the policy of nationalities aims at the installation of monarchies allied to France which can be installed in various ways, through war, territorial exchanges or by a new method, popular referenda. However, all of these regimes were installed in the name of nationality. Yet what is innovative in the policy of nationalities, is the systematic recourse to the will of the people as a means to legitimize France’s territorial expansion. This manifested itself in a controlled election or by an assembly of well chosen notables. There was always a need to appear lawful in the eyes of the foreign populations. Using primary sources and a variety of historical studies, this research’s aim is to analyze the methods used by Napoleon III to promote France’s policy of nationalities. We will study the dynamic of this policy and the way the national argument was used during political crises in Italy, Germany, Mexico and the ottoman province of Syria.

This thesis examines the interaction of Georgian painting and national politics in the first two decades of Soviet power in Georgia, 1921-1939, focussing in particular on the period following the consolidation of Stalin's power at the helm of the Communist Party in 1926-7. In the Stalin era, Georgians enjoyed special status among Soviet nations thanks to Georgia's prestige as the place of Stalin's birth. However, Georgians' advanced sense of their national sovereignty and initial hostility towards Bolshevik control following Georgia's Sovietisation in 1921 also resulted in Georgia's uniquely fraught relationship with Soviet power in Moscow in the decades that followed. In light of these circumstances, this thesis explores how and why the experience and activities of Georgian painters between 1926 and 1939 differed from those of other Soviet artists. One of its central arguments is that the experiences of Georgian artists and critics in this period not only differed significantly from those of artists and critics of other republics, but that the uniqueness of their experience was precipitated by a complex network of factors resulting from the interaction of various political imperatives and practical circumstances, including those relating to Soviet national politics. Chapter one of this thesis introduces the key institutions and individuals involved in producing, evaluating and setting the direction of Georgian painting in the 1920s and early 1930s. Chapters two and three show that artists and critics in Georgia as well as commentators in Moscow in the 1920s and 30s were actively engaged in efforts to interpret the Party's demand for 'national form' in Soviet culture and to suggest what that form might entail as regards Georgian painting. However, contradictions inherent in Soviet nationalities policy, which both demanded the active cultivation of cultural difference between Soviet nationalities and eagerly anticipated a time when national distinctions in all spheres would naturally disappear, made it impossible for an appropriate interpretation of 'national form' to be identified. Chapter three, moreover, demonstrates how frequent shifts in Soviet cultural and nationalities policies presented Moscow institutions with a range of practical challenges which ultimately prevented them from reflecting in their exhibitions and publications the contemporary artistic activity taking place in the republics of the Caucasus and Central Asia. A key finding of chapters four and five concerns the uniquely significant role that Lavrenty Beria, Stalin's ruthless deputy and the head of the Georgian and Transcaucasian Party organisations, played in differentiating Georgian painters' experiences from those of Soviet artists of other nationalities. Beginning in 1934, Beria employed Georgian painters to produce an exhibition of monumental paintings, opening at the Tretyakov Gallery in Moscow in 1937, depicting episodes from his own falsified history of Stalin's role in the revolutionary movement in Transcaucasia. As this thesis shows, the production of the exhibition introduced an unprecedented degree of direct Party supervision over Georgian painting as Beria personally critiqued works by Georgian painters produced on prescribed narrative subjects in a centralised collective studio. As well as representing a major contribution to Stalin's personality cult, the exhibition, which conferred on Georgian painters special responsibility for representing Stalin and his activities, was also a public statement of the special status that the Georgians were now to enjoy, second only to that of the Russians. However, this special status involved both special privileges and special responsibilities. Georgians would enjoy special access to opportunities in Moscow and a special degree of autonomy in local governance, but in return they were required to lead the way in declaring allegiance to the Stalin regime. Chapter six returns to the debate about 'national form' in Georgian painting by examining how the pre-Revolutionary self-taught Georgian painter, Niko Pirosmani, was discussed by cultural commentators in Georgia and Moscow in the 1920s and 30s as a source informing a Soviet or Soviet Georgian canon of painting. It shows that, in addition to presenting views on the suitability of Pirosmani's painting either in terms of its formal or class content, commentators perpetuated and developed a cult of Pirosmani steeped in stereotypes of a Georgian 'national character.' Further, the establishment of this cult during the late 1920s and early 1930s seems to have been a primary reason for the painter's subsequent canonisation in the second half of the 1930s as a 'Great Tradition' of Soviet Georgian culture. It helped to articulate a version of Georgian national identity that was at once familiar and gratifying for Georgians and useful for the Soviet regime. The combined impression of cultural sovereignty embodied in this and other 'Great Traditions' of Soviet Georgian culture and the special status articulated through the 1937 exhibition allowed Georgian nationalism to be aligned, for a time, with support for Stalin and the Soviet regime.

<p>With an estimated 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria, no doubt, has been grappling with the problem of pluralism of ethnic nationalities. It is not news in Nigeria that extreme ethnic consciousness of its citizens has led to the victimization of one ethnic group by another. This victimization has come in the form of exclusions in the distribution of both wealth and power in the country.</p><p>Amidst all the exclusions, the unity of the country has been ironically regarded as sacrosanct, and should not be negotiated. It is often said that fate brought all the ethnic nationalities in order to form one great country. I subscribe to this belief that fate brought us together for the above purpose, especially now that several countries around the world are merging in one way or the other to form a formidable force to reckon with both politically and economically. Hence, “(ethnic integration) is the integration of capabilities. It develops the capabilities of the workforce… it offers opportunities for better synergy of skills”. However, it would be ethically unhealthy for the unity of the country not to be compromised under the present dispensation, which has been compromising in turn the basic moral principle of social justice. There cannot be any moral basis for the continued existence of a country like Nigeria, which as it were, has thrown equality of all citizens to the dogs.</p><p>Should the country remain united, it must do so by imbibing the culture of regarding all citizens, as well as, all ethnic nationalities as equal, and none should have more privileges than the others. Therefore, how can a plural society like Nigeria remain united as one indivisible country?</p><p>Rawls has offered some solutions to the problem of stability engendered by the pluralism of ethnic groups in Nigeria. His idea of ‘overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines’ in his Political Liberalism is capable of bringing back the country to the state of stability. There will be stability, if all forms of exclusion seize to exist in the Nigerian polity.</p>

With an estimated 250 ethnic groups, Nigeria, no doubt, has been grappling with the problem of pluralism of ethnic nationalities. It is not news in Nigeria that extreme ethnic consciousness of its citizens has led to the victimization of one ethnic group by another. This victimization has come in the form of exclusions in the distribution of both wealth and power in the country. Amidst all the exclusions, the unity of the country has been ironically regarded as sacrosanct, and should not be negotiated. It is often said that fate brought all the ethnic nationalities in order to form one great country. I subscribe to this belief that fate brought us together for the above purpose, especially now that several countries around the world are merging in one way or the other to form a formidable force to reckon with both politically and economically. Hence, “(ethnic integration) is the integration of capabilities. It develops the capabilities of the workforce… it offers opportunities for better synergy of skills”. However, it would be ethically unhealthy for the unity of the country not to be compromised under the present dispensation, which has been compromising in turn the basic moral principle of social justice. There cannot be any moral basis for the continued existence of a country like Nigeria, which as it were, has thrown equality of all citizens to the dogs. Should the country remain united, it must do so by imbibing the culture of regarding all citizens, as well as, all ethnic nationalities as equal, and none should have more privileges than the others. Therefore, how can a plural society like Nigeria remain united as one indivisible country? Rawls has offered some solutions to the problem of stability engendered by the pluralism of ethnic groups in Nigeria. His idea of ‘overlapping consensus of reasonable comprehensive doctrines’ in his Political Liberalism is capable of bringing back the country to the state of stability. There will be stability, if all forms of exclusion seize to exist in the Nigerian polity.

Le Second Empire français est une période de grands changements sur la scène internationale. Profitant des diverses crises politiques de nature nationale secouant l’Europe et l’Amérique, Napoléon III entend profiter de ces dernières pour favoriser l’expansion de l’influence française dans des régions appelées à devenir névralgiques pour les intérêts impériaux. Érigée en moyen de puissance, la politique des nationalités est un discours politique flou, théorique et adapté aux besoins du moment par le régime du Prince-Président. Son principal objectif vise l’installation de régimes césaro-démocratiques alliés à la France. Ces derniers peuvent être implantés par divers moyens : la guerre, par des échanges de territoires entre souverains ou par une méthode politique novatrice, l’appel au peuple comme source de légitimité. Ce qui est inusité avec la politique des nationalités, c’est le recours systématique à une «volonté» populaire. Quelle se manifeste par des élections contrôlées ou par une assemblée de notables bien sélectionnés, il y a ce souci d’apparaître légitime auprès des différentes populations. En utilisant des sources primaires et de nombreuses recherches historiques et politiques, le présent mémoire étudie les divers mécanismes qui régissent la politique des nationalités de Napoléon III. Il sera question d’analyser la dynamique de la politique des nationalités et de la façon dont cette dernière permet l’accroissement de l’influence française en Italie, en Allemagne, au Mexique et finalement dans la Syrie ottomane. / The Second French Empire was a period of great change on the international scene in Europe and America. Using the diverse national crises that were shaking the European and American balance of power, Napoleon III intended to use these crises in order to favour French influence in regions where her interests were starting to become vital for worldwide supremacy. Put forward as a means of power, the policy of nationalities is an abstract political idea that creates a political discourse which favors imperial projects around the world. The objective of the policy of nationalities aims at the installation of monarchies allied to France which can be installed in various ways, through war, territorial exchanges or by a new method, popular referenda. However, all of these regimes were installed in the name of nationality. Yet what is innovative in the policy of nationalities, is the systematic recourse to the will of the people as a means to legitimize France’s territorial expansion. This manifested itself in a controlled election or by an assembly of well chosen notables. There was always a need to appear lawful in the eyes of the foreign populations. Using primary sources and a variety of historical studies, this research’s aim is to analyze the methods used by Napoleon III to promote France’s policy of nationalities. We will study the dynamic of this policy and the way the national argument was used during political crises in Italy, Germany, Mexico and the ottoman province of Syria. / Mémoire de maîtrise utilisant les archives trouvées aux Archives Nationales de France ( AN section Paris), aux archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères de France (AMAE) et celles du fond d'archives Colonna Walewski (ACW).