In this study, we try to discover and analyze the teachers' attitudes towards incorporating the set phrases while teaching Spanish in the advanced level, for example phrases about nationalities and ethnic groups. In addition, we attempt to measure teachers' perspectives towards teaching ethically incorrect phrasal expressions in the classroom. In particular, we focus on the role of the socio-cultural aspect in the learning process of a foreign language. Based on our study, the teachers' perspectives on incorporating those set phrases while teaching Spanish in the advanced level are very positive. Our informants have recognized that the phrases are very common in the Spanish language. In addition, the cultural and historic contents reveal a lot about both the past and the reality of Spain to this day. Almost all informants (except one) have confirmed that they could work with the ethically incorrect phrases in their classes. The phrasal expressions of this type are also commonly used in the Spanish language, so the opinion of our informants is that the best option is to explain them to students and discuss the prejudices they represent in the classroom. Regarding the socio-cultural aspect, the informants agree that it is very important in the process of learning a foreign language because it helps to understand the demeanor of the people from a different culture and facilitates the use of the target language in a suitable context.

MOURÃO, Daniele Ellery. África “na pasajen” identidades e nacionalidades guineenses e cabo-verdianas. 2006. 163f. Dissertação (Mestrado em Sociologia) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Departamento de Ciências Sociais, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza-CE, 2006. / Submitted by Liliane oliveira (morena.liliane@hotmail.com) on 2011-11-22T12:45:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_DEMourão_noPW.pdf: 1486750 bytes, checksum: 298f82edb1624211b5fb210b99f97051 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Maria Josineide Góis(josineide@ufc.br) on 2011-11-28T12:43:23Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_DEMourão_noPW.pdf: 1486750 bytes, checksum: 298f82edb1624211b5fb210b99f97051 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2011-11-28T12:43:23Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2006_Dis_DEMourão_noPW.pdf: 1486750 bytes, checksum: 298f82edb1624211b5fb210b99f97051 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / The goal of this work is to comment the concepts of identity and nationality as they have been formulated by guineans and cape verdians professionals taking part at PEC-G e PEC-PG programs in Brazil. From a theoretical point of view, focus has been given to the identity concept formulated by Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, as a strategy of difference, from relational and situational perspectives, as well as of manipulation of its own differences. In terms of nationality, the concept of nation is considered as not restricted to territory, language, religion or race, even if all these reference points contribute in building a national identity. Quoting Benedict Anderson, nationality is the feeling of belonging to a certain nation, trough shared customs, values, beliefs and daily practices with the collectivity. By interviewing guineans and cape verdians professionals trained in Brazil, distinctive processes of renewed significations of cultural (ethnic) and national identities have been identified in both African countries, allowing them different approaches in entering the “democratic model” of nation-state. Guinea and Cape Verde are very close to each other geographically speaking, and share a history of political struggle. But the two countries were subjected to different models of colonization, which promoted the building of distinct national identities. The colonizer established many distinctions between guineans “natives” and “colonized” cape verdians. It produced several conflicts between them, to be ended only during the independency process from Portugal, when a bi-national state was formed embracing both countries. For some time, they shared the same party and national anthem. To favour the union, guineans and cape verdians manipulated their own national identities to reduce their differences in race, religion, cultural tradition, values and beliefs. But differences and disagreements would prevail to this union, with conflicts between the ruling classes finally separating the two countries. This work emphasizes the deconstruction of the notion of the African continent considered as a homogeneous whole. It questions the concepts of nation and nationality presented by the West, revealing political and economical intentions underneath these ideas, showing that they are socially built by certain groups with strategic interests in the matter. Finally, within the case under study, it shows how the educational system played a crucial role in disseminating western values linked to the modern concept of nation in European colonies. / O objetivo desta dissertação foi realizar uma reflexão sobre os conceitos de identidades e nacionalidades a partir das concepções formuladas por quadros profissionais guineenses e cabo-verdianos, formados no Brasil pelos programas PEC-G e PEC-PG . Do ponto de vista teórico privilegiou-se o conceito de identidade formulado por Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, como uma estratégia de diferença, numa perspectiva relacional, situacional e de manipulação das próprias diferenças. No que se refere às nacionalidades, tomo o conceito de nação como não restrita a território, língua, religião ou raça, embora todos esses referenciais sejam considerados construtores de identidades nacionais. Como referido por Benedict Anderson, a nacionalidade é o sentimento que os indivíduos têm de pertencer a uma determinada nação, por meio de costumes, valores, crenças e práticas cotidianas partilhadas coletivamente. Por meio das entrevistas realizadas com os quadros profissionais guineenses e cabo-verdianos formados no Brasil foram constatados distintos processos de ressignificação de identidade cultural (étnica) e nacional, em ambos os países, possibilitando a eles adoção de diferentes estratégias de inserção no “modelo democrático” de Estado-nação. Guiné-Bissau e Cabo Verde são muito próximos geograficamente e têm histórias de lutas políticas comuns. Mas a forma de ocupação colonial nos países foi diferente uma da outra, o que permitiu a construção de distintas identidades nacionais. O colonizador estabeleceu muitas distinções entre guineenses, “indígenas”, e cabo-verdianos, “assimilados” pela coroa. Isso gerou diversos conflitos entre eles, que seriam apaziguados apenas durante o processo de independência. Para tornarem-se independentes de Portugal, idealizaram a constituição de um estado bi-nacional englobando os dois países. Por algum tempo, tiveram o mesmo partido e hino nacional. A favor da união, guineenses e cabo-verdianos, manipularam suas identidades amenizando diferenças entre etnias, religiões, tradições culturais, valores e crenças diversas. Mas as divergências e distinções entre eles prevaleceriam à união, separando definitivamente os países, por meio de conflitos entre suas elites no poder. O trabalho reforça a desconstrução de uma idéia do continente africano como um todo homogêneo. Desnaturaliza a idéia de nação e nacionalidade posta pelo ocidente, revelando as intenções políticas e econômicas subjacentes a essa idéia, mostrando que são construídas socialmente por determinados grupos com interesses estratégicos. E, no caso estudado, mostra como o sistema educacional foi fundamental para disseminar os valores ocidentais associados à idéia de nação moderna nas colônias européias.

Domestic, not foreign affairs drove Soviet policy on Jewish emigration during the period of 1968-1989. This study challenges the prevailing view that fluctuating levels of exit from the USSR were correlated to the climate of relations between the USA and the USSR. The analysis also considers Soviet-German emigration for comparative perspective. Extensive historical background, with special emphasis on Soviet nationality policy is provided.

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<p>La thèse aborde les interrogations, les positions de principe, les ambitions et les réalisations bien plus modestes de la diplomatie belge, en interaction avec les milieux politiques et une partie de la société du temps, quant à la question des nationalités en Europe centrale, orientale et balkanique (1918-1924). Les sept pays retenus sont la Pologne, la Tchécoslovaquie, l’Autriche, la Hongrie, la Yougoslavie, la Roumanie et la Bulgarie.<p>Par question des nationalités, il faut entendre trois aspects indissociables :la question de la modification des frontières dans cette partie du Vieux Continent (disparition des empires au profit des Etats précités), celle des territoires disputés entre lesdits Etats et enfin celle des minorités nationales.<p>Pour expliquer les différentes postures de chacun, l’étude envisage une multitude de facteurs de politique intérieure ou extérieure, principalement les peurs du socialisme et du séparatisme, mais aussi la question des rapports des individus (psychologie) et des groupes (cercles de connaissances, partis,…).<p> / Doctorat en Histoire, art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

This thesis examines the relationships between different nations and cultures in Ivanhoe, The Talisman, Quentin Durward, Anne of Geierstein and Count Robert of Paris using Post-colonial theory. An analysis of Scott’s conception of society in general shows that 18th century Scottish historiography is fundamental to his vision of the world because it forms the basis of his systematization of history, social development and interaction between communities. It also profoundly influences his imagery and descriptions, as well as providing him with a range of stereotypes that he manipulates so skilfully that his great dependence upon them is occulted. Contemporary ideas and his own attitude to the Union of Scotland and England lead him to conceive of nation formation in terms of descent and hybridity. In part, he sees the nation as a community of blood. Yet, his acceptance of the Union means that he also considers it to be a body of different ethnic elements that live together. His use of the 18th century metaphor of family to figure the nation allows him to incorporate heredity and miscegenation into his analysis of national development through father-daughter couples. The father represents traditional culture, and the daughter, the nation’s present and future; her marriage to a foreigner signifying that people of differing descent can cross the nation’s porous borders. Religion is the final frontier: Christian nations cannot absorb non-Christians. Scott sees dominance and subordination as a complex part of human relationships. Apparently-subordinate subjects possess occulted power because their support of the hegemonic is often essential if the latter is to maintain its superiority. While his conception of society in patriarchal terms means that his female characters cannot offer violence to men, he shows that passive resistance is very effective. Through mimicry, the subordinate threatens the power and identity of the dominant. Power is not only conceived of in political terms. In Ivanhoe, Scott reveals the importance of moral stature which allows Rebecca to dominate the work although she is at the bottom of the political and racial hierarchy that structures English society. Scott’s conception of time is fundamental to the manner in which he conceives of the nation. Historical cultural forms are physicalised through chronotopes. Politically subordinate cultures base their actions in the present on pedagogic time, while the dominant ignore their past and live only in the present and the future. He also expresses dominant-subordinate relationships through speed, with time moving quickly for the powerful and slowly for the weak. Time, whether in the form of history, the characters’ perception of it or speed amalgamates all the various elements of Scott’s conception of nationhood into a seamless whole.<p><p>Cette thèse analyse par le biais la théorie post-coloniale les relations internationales dans Ivanhoe, Quentin Durward, Anne of Geierstein et Count Robert of Paris. Les théories historiques élaborées en Écosse au XVIIIème siècle sont fondamentales dans la vision scottienne parce qu’elles forment la base de la systematisation de l’histoire, du développement sociale et, par conséquent, des relations entre les différentes communités. Ces théories influencent profondement les images qu’il utilise et la façon dont il décrit les caractères et les scènes. De plus, elles lui fournissent une gamme de stéréotypes qu’il manipule très adroitement. Sa conception de la manière dont se forment les nations vient des idées contemporaines et de sa propre expérience de l’union politique de l’Angleterre et de l’Écosse. Il considère la nation comme une communauté fondée sur l’ascendance par le sang mais aussi comme un groupe d’ethnies différentes qui vivent ensemble. Sa description de la nation emprunte à la métaphore de la famille courante au XVIIIième. Celle-ci lui permet d’inclure dans son analyse l’héridité et la mixité au moyen des couples formés par un père et sa fille. Le père représente la culture traditionelle, et la fille, le présent et le futur national. Son marriage avec un étranger signifie que les gens d’ascendance différente peuvent traverser les frontières perméables d’une nation. La religion est la frontière ultime: les nations chrétiennes ne peuvent absorber de non-chrétiens. Scott considère que la domination et la sujetion forment une partie complexe des relations humaines. Les sujets qui paraissent subordonnés possèdent en fait un pouvoir occulte, le dominant ayant besoin de leur soutien pour maintenir sa position. Bien que sa conception patriarcale de la société fasse que les caractères feminins ne manifestent pas d’agression envers les hommes, il montre que la résistance passive est très efficace. En imitant le sujet dominant, le sujet subordonné menace le pouvoir et l’identité de ce dernier. Le pouvoir ne s’exprime pas seulement dans la politique. Rebecca dans Ivanhoe revèle l’importance que revêtent le caractère et la moralité. Bien qu’elle soit au bas de la hiérarchie structurante de la société anglaise, elle domine le roman. <p>La conception que Scott se fait du temps est fondamentale à celle de la nation et de la culture. Au moyen du chronotope, les cultures historiques prennent des formes physiques. Les cultures qui sont subordonnées politiquement basent leur action au présent sur le “temps pédagogique”. Au contraire, le dominant rejette son passé et ne vit qu’au présent et au futur. Les relations entre le pouvoir dominant et le subordonné s’expriment aussi par la vitesse: le temps passe vite pour les puissants, mais lentement pour les faibles. En définitive, tous les éléments de la conception scottienne de la nation sont liés au temps, qu’il s’agisse de l’histoire, de perception par les caractères, ou de la vitesse.<p> / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation langue et littérature / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished