This thesis is an investigation into the concept of citizenship, or, more precisely, the core concept of citizenship. It attempts to show how certain key debates within citizenship theory can (and should) be framed once the core concept has been clarified. Its central claim is that citizenship is primarily an institutional relationship between an individual and the laws and organs of government to whose authority she is subject. All other 'aspects', 'dimensions', 'senses', or conceptions of citizenship, should be oriented in relationship to this core meaning. Understanding citizenship as primarily an institutional relationship affects how we should approach a number of issues in citizenship theory. The first issue I consider has to do with the limits of both citizenship theory and the extension of citizenship in practice. Specifically, can the conceptual category of citizenship apply to non-human animals, or, indeed, for animals to be citizens in sense that is substantively on par with human citizens? I next consider what the core concept tells us about the moral aspect of citizenship and the relationship between co-citizens. I ask whether one's membership in a morally bounded community could be either necessary or sufficient for a kind of citizenship, and whether citizens owe each other special obligations qua citizens. Finally I ask who might have a moral claim to citizenship in a given state. I consider the possible moral claims a person might have to each of citizenship's two primary elements - what I call democratic membership (i.e. to be included in the demos of a democratically governed polity), and basic membership (i.e. the rights to live and work within the territory of a polity). The first sort of claim brings us into contact with the debate over what is known as the 'democratic boundary problem', while the second leads us to consider the practice of 'birthright ascription'.

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This thesis demonstrates that by redefining the notion of nationhood and by treating nations and national minorities equally with respect to self-determination, it is possible to formulate basic principles of the international legal system, which would promote territorial integrity and stability of multinational states better than the existing system. I demonstrate that theories dealing with self-determination based solely on human rights or cases of secession address the problem with inadequate tools. I also show that minority-rights approaches do not accommodate self-determination claims of national groups properly. / I offer a new idea of nationhood as a political culture of self-determination with which people self-identify. It includes beliefs about co-nationals' mutual membership in a political community, which is perceived by them as having a self-determining power. Definitions of nationhood which use the notion of culture, but not political culture, are both too inclusive---they fail to distinguish between national and ethnic groups, and too exclusive---they overlook multicultural nations. / Contested secession has received much attention in recent scholarship. Since, however, contested secession is based upon the disagreement of two or more national groups concerning their self-determination within particular boundaries, I consider secession within the scope of a systematic approach to the regulation of relations among national groups. I propose that international legal principles should be based upon the recognition of states and national groups as the two basic elements of the international system, and the equal recognition of nations as political cultures of self-determination. I interpret self-determination as a claim to equality within the boundaries a multinational state, and formulate a criterion of minimal justice for states. It requires that states respect equality of self-determination of national groups on their territory. National groups can secede from multinational states either by mutual agreement, or if their they are persistently denied a status with respect to self-determination equal to that of other national groups.

This thesis critically reviews Chinese educational policies towards national minorities from 1921 until today. The aim is to examine the continuity and change of Chinese policies from pluralism to assimilation. The concepts of intercultural education provide the conceptual framework for the study in that there should be an understanding, acceptance and constructive relations among people of many different cultures. All the groups, whether minorities or majority, have to learn the culture of others. Teaching cultural understanding has to become an integral part of the curriculum in China. To reinforce the above framework, the ancient Chinese "Middle Kingdom" concept is introduced. This concept claimed that there is only one civilisation in the world, which is China. Outside the "Middle Kingdom" are the barbarians. Any barbarian who wishes to be "civilised" has to join in and become Chinese, meaning be assimilated. This theory has been dominating majority Chinese people's attitude towards outsiders, i.e. national groups, for the last two thousand years and is still playing a very important role in today's policy formulation and implementation process in respect of cultural diversity. Yet equality is stressed in Chinese educational policies. To the national minority groups, the government especially emphasised two issues in addition to its general policies, namely bilingual education and religious restriction. By directing these two issues to the national minorities only, the government has already failed on "equality" principles, because religious beliefs and being bilingual are not just the concerns of national minority members. A case study is used to analyse the government's policy towards national minorities. This study collected the opinions of teachers, students and their parents, administrators as well as the graduates from the Central University for Nationalities in Beijing. Interview and questionnaire methods were employed, which involved the English, Chinese and Uyghur languages. Simple analytical methods, such as mean and frequency, were used to analyse the data collected. The main finding of the thesis is that there is still only one policy towards national minorities in China, namely assimilation.

Thesis (doctorat)--Université de Paris, 1923. / Includes bibliographical references. Also issued in microfiche.

The identity of the Koreans of the former Soviet Union has been shaped by a variety of factors, not the least of which was a long period of Soviet rule. Most frequently referred to as Koryo Saram in the region, they are distinctive in that they embody a mélange of Korean, Russian, Soviet and Central Asian characteristics. At first promoted as one of the many national minorities under the affirmative action-like Soviet nationalities policy, changes in the political sphere under Stalin ultimately led to their deportation to Central Asia in 1937. The Koryo Saram were subject to a variety of pressures at the hands of the state apparatus, including a complex and often contradictory nationalities policy, which often dictated that the they simultaneously assume a Korean and Soviet identity. This fact is most vividly displayed in the photographs of the period, which serve as historical documents that preserved these internal conflicts. This thesis examines not only the schism between the party rhetoric and the visual presentation of rhetoric from 1932 to 1941, but also the construction of Soviet Korean identity within this context. / text

O desmantelamento da URSS foi um dos processos políticos mais importantes do século XX, tendo sido causado, em grande medida, pelas demandas por independência, oriundas do seu tipo mais importante de entidades federadas, as Repúblicas. Antes da Perestroika eram poucos os especialistas, mesmo dentre os chamados sovietólogos ocidentais, aqueles que arriscariam fazer previsões sobre um possível e iminente colapso, seguido de desintegração, do poderoso Estado soviético, cuja estatura política, militar e demográfica era capaz de rivalizar com os Estados Unidos ao menos desde o término da II Guerra mundial. Neste trabalho apresentamos e analisamos o trabalho de autores ocidentais que chegaram a cogitar a possibilidade de fragmentação política do Estado Soviético, levando em consideração a gravidade da questão etnonacional para a antecipação de um cenário desintegracionista, analisando quais fatores influenciaram no menor ou maior grau de precisão dos cenários prospectivos traçados. / The dismantling of the Soviet Union was one of the most important political pro-cesses of the twentieth century, having been caused, to a large extent, by demands for independence arising from its most important type of federated entities- the Republics. Before perestroika there were few western specialists, even among the so-called \"sovietologists\", who would risk making predictions about a possible and imminent col-lapse, followed by desintegration, of the mighty Soviet State, whose political, military and demographic stature was able to rival the United States at least since the end of World War II. In this paper we present and analyze the work of western authors who have come to consider the possibility of political fragmentation of the Soviet State, taking into ac-count the seriousness of the ethnonational question for the anticipation of a disintegra-tionist scenario, analyzing which factors influenced the lower or greater degree of accu-racy of the prospective scenarios which they designed.

O desmantelamento da URSS foi um dos processos políticos mais importantes do século XX, tendo sido causado, em grande medida, pelas demandas por independência, oriundas do seu tipo mais importante de entidades federadas, as Repúblicas. Antes da Perestroika eram poucos os especialistas, mesmo dentre os chamados sovietólogos ocidentais, aqueles que arriscariam fazer previsões sobre um possível e iminente colapso, seguido de desintegração, do poderoso Estado soviético, cuja estatura política, militar e demográfica era capaz de rivalizar com os Estados Unidos ao menos desde o término da II Guerra mundial. Neste trabalho apresentamos e analisamos o trabalho de autores ocidentais que chegaram a cogitar a possibilidade de fragmentação política do Estado Soviético, levando em consideração a gravidade da questão etnonacional para a antecipação de um cenário desintegracionista, analisando quais fatores influenciaram no menor ou maior grau de precisão dos cenários prospectivos traçados. / The dismantling of the Soviet Union was one of the most important political pro-cesses of the twentieth century, having been caused, to a large extent, by demands for independence arising from its most important type of federated entities- the Republics. Before perestroika there were few western specialists, even among the so-called \"sovietologists\", who would risk making predictions about a possible and imminent col-lapse, followed by desintegration, of the mighty Soviet State, whose political, military and demographic stature was able to rival the United States at least since the end of World War II. In this paper we present and analyze the work of western authors who have come to consider the possibility of political fragmentation of the Soviet State, taking into ac-count the seriousness of the ethnonational question for the anticipation of a disintegra-tionist scenario, analyzing which factors influenced the lower or greater degree of accu-racy of the prospective scenarios which they designed.

O objetivo desta dissertaÃÃo foi realizar uma reflexÃo sobre os conceitos de identidades e nacionalidades a partir das concepÃÃes formuladas por quadros profissionais guineenses e cabo-verdianos, formados no Brasil pelos programas PEC-G e PEC-PG . Do ponto de vista teÃrico privilegiou-se o conceito de identidade formulado por Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, como uma estratÃgia de diferenÃa, numa perspectiva relacional, situacional e de manipulaÃÃo das prÃprias diferenÃas. No que se refere Ãs nacionalidades, tomo o conceito de naÃÃo como nÃo restrita a territÃrio, lÃngua, religiÃo ou raÃa, embora todos esses referenciais sejam considerados construtores de identidades nacionais. Como referido por Benedict Anderson, a nacionalidade à o sentimento que os indivÃduos tÃm de pertencer a uma determinada naÃÃo, por meio de costumes, valores, crenÃas e prÃticas cotidianas partilhadas coletivamente. Por meio das entrevistas realizadas com os quadros profissionais guineenses e cabo-verdianos formados no Brasil foram constatados distintos processos de ressignificaÃÃo de identidade cultural (Ãtnica) e nacional, em ambos os paÃses, possibilitando a eles adoÃÃo de diferentes estratÃgias de inserÃÃo no âmodelo democrÃticoâ de Estado-naÃÃo. GuinÃ-Bissau e Cabo Verde sÃo muito prÃximos geograficamente e tÃm histÃrias de lutas polÃticas comuns. Mas a forma de ocupaÃÃo colonial nos paÃses foi diferente uma da outra, o que permitiu a construÃÃo de distintas identidades nacionais. O colonizador estabeleceu muitas distinÃÃes entre guineenses, âindÃgenasâ, e cabo-verdianos, âassimiladosâ pela coroa. Isso gerou diversos conflitos entre eles, que seriam apaziguados apenas durante o processo de independÃncia. Para tornarem-se independentes de Portugal, idealizaram a constituiÃÃo de um estado bi-nacional englobando os dois paÃses. Por algum tempo, tiveram o mesmo partido e hino nacional. A favor da uniÃo, guineenses e cabo-verdianos, manipularam suas identidades amenizando diferenÃas entre etnias, religiÃes, tradiÃÃes culturais, valores e crenÃas diversas. Mas as divergÃncias e distinÃÃes entre eles prevaleceriam à uniÃo, separando definitivamente os paÃses, por meio de conflitos entre suas elites no poder. O trabalho reforÃa a desconstruÃÃo de uma idÃia do continente africano como um todo homogÃneo. Desnaturaliza a idÃia de naÃÃo e nacionalidade posta pelo ocidente, revelando as intenÃÃes polÃticas e econÃmicas subjacentes a essa idÃia, mostrando que sÃo construÃdas socialmente por determinados grupos com interesses estratÃgicos. E, no caso estudado, mostra como o sistema educacional foi fundamental para disseminar os valores ocidentais associados à idÃia de naÃÃo moderna nas colÃnias europÃias. / The goal of this work is to comment the concepts of identity and nationality as they have been formulated by guineans and cape verdians professionals taking part at PEC-G e PEC-PG programs in Brazil. From a theoretical point of view, focus has been given to the identity concept formulated by Manuela Carneiro da Cunha, as a strategy of difference, from relational and situational perspectives, as well as of manipulation of its own differences. In terms of nationality, the concept of nation is considered as not restricted to territory, language, religion or race, even if all these reference points contribute in building a national identity. Quoting Benedict Anderson, nationality is the feeling of belonging to a certain nation, trough shared customs, values, beliefs and daily practices with the collectivity. By interviewing guineans and cape verdians professionals trained in Brazil, distinctive processes of renewed significations of cultural (ethnic) and national identities have been identified in both African countries, allowing them different approaches in entering the âdemocratic modelâ of nation-state. Guinea and Cape Verde are very close to each other geographically speaking, and share a history of political struggle. But the two countries were subjected to different models of colonization, which promoted the building of distinct national identities. The colonizer established many distinctions between guineans ânativesâ and âcolonizedâ cape verdians. It produced several conflicts between them, to be ended only during the independency process from Portugal, when a bi-national state was formed embracing both countries. For some time, they shared the same party and national anthem. To favour the union, guineans and cape verdians manipulated their own national identities to reduce their differences in race, religion, cultural tradition, values and beliefs. But differences and disagreements would prevail to this union, with conflicts between the ruling classes finally separating the two countries. This work emphasizes the deconstruction of the notion of the African continent considered as a homogeneous whole. It questions the concepts of nation and nationality presented by the West, revealing political and economical intentions underneath these ideas, showing that they are socially built by certain groups with strategic interests in the matter. Finally, within the case under study, it shows how the educational system played a crucial role in disseminating western values linked to the modern concept of nation in European colonies.

Thesis (S.J.D.)--Faculty of Law, University of Sydney, 2003. / Title from title screen (viewed 21st January, 2009) Submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy to the Faculty of Law, University of Sydney. Bibliography: leaves 356-396. Also available in print form.