Thesis (doctoral)--Heinrich-Heine-Universität, Düsseldorf, 2002. / Includes registers of names of SS-Baubrigaden inmates, including those who died (p. 338-353); and names of SS tried for crimes (p. 357-363). Includes lists of SS-Baubrigaden and commandants (p. 335-337), and a list of memorials dealing with SS-Baubrigaden (p. 364-367). Includes bibliographical references (p. 377-399) and indexes.

Thesis (doctoral)--Universität, Erlangen, 2004. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 252-259) and index.

No description available.

This research analyzes how American soldiers reacted to the Dachau concentration camp, and offers statistics that counter the arguments made by Holocaust deniers and revisionists. It compares how the Soviets, British, and Americans conducted themselves as they freed other prisoners, and discusses why every camp liberation was dissimilar. Evidence gathered from the liberators who executed the SS disproves the argument that they were premediated killers and emphasizes how unique Dachau’s conditions were on the day of liberation, when compared to other concentration camps. It also directly refutes many arguments made by Holocaust deniers, and addresses their erroneous narratives, statistics, and conclusions regarding the Dachau liberation, and the Holocaust in general. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2019. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Dissertation--Berlin--Freie Universität, 1993. Titre de soutenance : Nähe zum gegner : Kommunisten und Nationalsolzialisten im Berliner BVG-Streik von 1932. / Bibliogr. p. 289-298.

Univ., Diss.--Flensburg, 2004.

Pfungstadt is a small German town which to date has not earned a footnote in the histories of either the Weimar Republic or the Third Reich. Based upon the efforts of men in towns like Pfungstadt (and towns which were not like Pfungstadt) the members of the Nazi party built a political structure which reached to the pinnacle upon which Adolf Hitler stood. Researching the growth of the Nazi party, the intense struggles that occurred with democratic forces, the seizure of power and the installation of a workable system of government is the problem. This thesis in no way purports to be more than a study of the history of the town of Pfungstadt between 1928 and 1935. Such a research problem demands field research. During a period of four months (September, 1971, to January, 1972) I lived in Pfungstadt. The main sources of the date which I gathered during that time were the town's newspaper, the Pfungstädter Anzeige, and the SPD newspaper, which was published in Darmstadt, the Hessischer Volksfreund. Daily accounts of the political and social events in Pfungstadt were carried in the Anzeiger; the Volksfreund contained a predominate amount of SPD party activities. Also consulted were various records from the town hall's archives. Supplementing, putting some flesh on the bones of the written records of Pfungstadt's history, were personal interviews with all of the living political leaders of the age, plus a broad cross-section of the general populace. The backbone of Pfungstadt's society was the middle class. Imbedded within that class were the seeds of Nazism. The working class was divided along political lines between the SPD (Social Democrats) and the KPD (Communists). The working class and the middle class (the bürgerlich), political competitors since the 1890's, grew wider and wider apart in political outlook with the advent of the depression in 1929. Ignoring their old association with liberalism, first a small portion, and then, by 1932, nearly the entire middle class fell into the Nazi's hands. The working class fought a double-barreled battle of its own. The KPD constantly scored the SPD for losing its “class identity” and took a sizable portion of the SPD's traditional electorate. The SPD, not desiring the radical programs of the KPD, formulated a liberal set of objectives, but was not able to stem the tide which was running for a "change." Democracy died in Pfungstadt because of the shortsighted vision of the middle class, a shortsightedness brought on by the seemingly insolvable depression. Faced with a choice, in their minds, between losing their social and political significance and voting for a change (any change) the middle class succumbed to an overwhelming political immaturity and voted for the Nazis. On March 7, 1933, with the middle class support assured, the Nazis seized power with the assistance of SA members from Darmstadt. Once in physical control of the town, a systematic series of measures assisted the Nazis in coordinating the town into their system. Everyone in Pfungstadt then was forced to pay an exorbitant price for the political blindness of the bürgerlich.

This dissertation examines the political writings and speeches of Baldur von Schirach, a leading figure of the National Socialist German Worker's Party, and the means by which he chose to transmit his beliefs in totalitarianism, racism, and militarism. Schirach's activities serve as a case study of the Third Reich's artistic and cultural programs and the means by which these programs served as conduits for propaganda and public education. Throughout his career as the leader of the National Socialist Student's League, Reich Youth Leader, and Gauleiter of Vienna, Schirach promulgated a political theory which interpreted the rise of the Third Reich as an expression of an innately superior German culture. He put this theory forth through the use of artistic means, including his own poetry and prose, and theoretical exegeses of artistic and literary works that explained them within a fascist, totalitarian idiom. The dissertation discusses Schirach's personal adherence to Nazism and its roots; the ways in which he interpreted fascist philosophical tenets, symbols, messages, and archetypes; his concepts of youth and adult education; his attempts to mold the artistic community of Vienna into an aesthetically progressive, yet politically coherent, means of propaganda; and his role in the destruction of the Jews of Vienna and his explanation of this act as a cultural contribution to the Third Reich. The dissertation is based upon Schirach's own speeches, poems, and published writings dealing with education and politics, as well as unpublished archival sources housed in the Österreichisches Staatsarchiv in Vienna and the National Archives in Washington, DC.

This interpretative study attempts to ascertain why the Nazi movement gained the support of German voters by examining its persuasive strategies. The growth of the movement was divided into three periods. In each period, the verbal and non-verbal rhetorical strategies were explored. It was found that the movement's success stemmed largely from the display of party unity, the display of power through the Storm Troopers' use of violent street rhetoric, and the spread of Nazi ideals through speeches at meetings, on tours, and especially at the Nuremberg Party Rallies. Their communication capitalized skillfully on the conditions in Germany between 1919 and 1933. Hopefully, the findings of this study add to our knowledge of the role of rhetoric in creating mass movements.

Diss.--Würzburg, 1997. / Bibliogr. p. 584-591.