Although research has been conducted on the short-term effects of natural and human-made disasters on individuals and families, few researchers have examined the experiences of families during the recovery and rebuilding process when stressors may continue on many levels, sometimes for years later. The aim of this qualitative study was to explore the experience of recovery for families during the 3-year period following Superstorm Sandy in 2012 through the theoretical lens of Bronfenbrenner's bio-ecological perspective. A narrative approach was used in order to understand the experience of natural disaster recovery and the meaning of recovery and coping for these families. Families in the surrounding area of Long Beach, New York were invited to participate. Six families who experienced Superstorm Sandy shared their experiences through interviews. Common themes were found among participants during the preparation for the storm, throughout the storm, and again during identified stages in the recovery process. Participants displayed both positive and negative coping styles and rated the helpfulness of various interventions. Findings from the study suggest that future researchers should focus on understanding the individual factors that may affect the decision to prepare for and evacuate during a large-scale natural disaster. The results of this study can be used by support services staff to develop and target interventions that address the common themes identified during the long-term recovery process. More effective interventions may lessen the length and intensity of suffering. Additionally, highlighting the importance of disaster preparedness may encourage individuals and communities to better prepare for disasters, possibly diminishing damage and losses.

<p>  </p> <p>Identification of the phases of a large-scale natural disaster is often clouded by classes and sources of deep uncertainty, further proliferating as disaster events unfold. Focusing on three distinct phases of natural disaster relief operations, it is not necessary nor viable to eliminate all uncertainty from a natural disaster system. Instead, reducing the amount of time taken to minimize particular uncertainties may be sufficient to execute the preparation phase to carry out a response. The goal of this research is to understand the intricacies associated with forecastable and rapid-onset natural disaster events and restructure already-established tools to assist first responders and relevant decision-makers in the planning and response phases. Understanding specific foraging actions will support the considerations that must be made during the preparation phase while tying in other notable concepts, including use of a problem-structuring technique from the decision-making under deep uncertainty literature to contextualize the system of interest. The restructuring of a planning-based to a response-based problem-structuring tool will also highlight the added value in shifting from a static to a dynamic perspective. Following contextualization, utilizing an adaptive pathway approach will serve as a practical decision-support tool, allowing for open and flexible progression through the response phase of a natural disaster as events unfold, inclusive of specific triggers indicating a new event occurrence and thus, a new decision point. This paper addresses conditional criterion-based decision-making, focusing on an adaptive pathways approach in response to flooding incidents.</p>

Responses to a web-based survey following Hurricane Katrina were evaluated. The 3,140 university student respondents were separated into impact groups based on evacuation experience: high-impact (student evacuated), moderate-impact (friend/family evacuated), and low-impact (neither student nor friends or family evacuated). Students’ responses to items evaluating service utilization, services desired, and psychological distress were examined by gender, race, and impact group. Female students rated services as more supportive, and reported a greater desire for services not provided by the university, compared to male students. Compared to Caucasian students, African American students viewed services as more supportive and desired services not already provided by the university. Students in the high-impact group scored higher than the other impact groups on measures assessing symptoms of psychological distress. Overall, the results may be used by universities and other organizations to implement future programs and policies for responding to natural disasters.

A large number of concepts related to carbon offset trading policy are currently being discussed such as baseline, leakage, permanence, monitoring, verification, enforcement, financial feasibility, and third party verification. Cutting across these concepts are a variety of risks and uncertainties. These risks play a major role in developing effective market designs that achieve aggregate emission caps while encouraging market participation and investment in carbon reduction activities. What are the risks associated with carbon offset policy and how do such risks affect incentives for investing in carbon offsets? A literature review of carbon trading risks is developed. Risks associated with carbon offsets policy can be classified into three major categories: institutional/policy, project level and measurement risks. Institutional/policy risks are related to uncertainties surrounding the future policy decisions and the institutional arrangements established to define baselines, stipulate monitoring/enforcement requirements, and define and estimate leakage. Baseline estimates are necessary to calculate the net carbon reduction of a program or project. Monitoring/enforcement risk is associated with the regulators' ability to detect whether the promised carbon sequestration activities are undertaken. Leakage occurs when carbon sequestration at one site encourages increase in carbon emissions on some other site. Project risk refers to non-performance of a carbon sequestration project in terms of not achieving the requisite target of carbon sequestration. Project risk includes physical risk and financial risk. Physical risks are associated with unexpected carbon emissions due to natural hazards or events such as fire, or hurricanes or changes in the rate of sequestration, which depend on weather and pests. Landowners will not participate in carbon sequestration programs if they expect to incur financial losses by participating. Measurement risk arises because it is difficult to measure actual rates of carbon sequestered due to spatial and temporal heterogeneity of carbon present in agricultural and forest production. Forests are a principal carbon "sink" for sequestering carbon from the atmosphere. The provision of trading emission rights under the Kyoto Protocol will provide forest landowners the opportunity to reap financial gains from sequestering carbon and trading rights to emit carbon in carbon permit markets. However, landowners may be liable for repaying all or some of the proceeds received for sequestering carbon if stored carbon is released during the contract period. Hurricane damage to forests may cause extensive mortality and subsequent emission of carbon dioxide from decomposing biomass. Such liabilities may reduce landowners' incentives to sequester carbon. This research evaluates incentives of an individual forest landowner for sequestering and trading carbon, given the risk of carbon loss from hurricanes. Results of our simulation model reveal that the effect of hurricane risk on landowners' behavior depends on the variability of returns from carbon and timber and the ability of landowners to mitigate risk by diversifying forest holdings across regions with different sequestration rates and different hurricane strike probabilities. Some risk mitigation strategy might be required to create the necessary incentives for landowner participation especially in hurricane prone regions. We evaluate incentives of forest landowners for sequestering and trading carbon, given the risk of carbon loss from hurricanes, and an opportunity to insure their losses. Results of simulation model reveal that the effect of hurricane risk depends on the variability of returns from carbon and timber and landowners' ability to mitigate risk by diversifying forest holdings across regions or transferring risk by purchasing insurance. Although, landowner can spread the risk of carbon loss by diversifying into different regions, insurance has a role to play over and above diversification by reducing landowners' risk (variance) from forestry investments for sequestration and timber purposes, even when timber losses are not insured. / Ph. D.

By researching natural disaster displacement and the process in which we rebuild, I have found that by creating a modular prefabricate unit that is both cost efficient and easy to construct, we can significantly reduce the rebuild time, reduce people from leaving, as well as encourage new residents to move to the effected area. It is important as an architect and designer to use our skills to better help humanity. By focusing on the effects of Hurricane Harvey in the Houston Area, I have developed a unit design, and infrastructure plan that can be used universally around the world to help effected cities and people survive after a natural disaster. These findings are useful in the fact that the United State has no universal plan when dealing with disaster events. By creating a plan to provide single and multi family units, and incorporating them within close distance to necessary needs and infrastructure, this plan has the potential to reduce rebuild time, and encourage economy growth. / Master of Architecture / The value in which this thesis will bring to humanity is the implementation of a modular disaster relief structure that anyone can build. It will be able to be constructed in four days, by two people with no previous construction experience. Implementing this plan will help speed up the rebuild process after a natural disaster. This will create one universal unit and infrastructure implementation plan to provide residents of an affected are the resources needed to survive in the case of an event such as a hurricane or flooding.

Thesis (M.S. - Hydrology and Water Resources)--University of Arizona, 1982. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 136-142).

Master of Arts / Department of Geography / Jeffrey S. Smith / In a matter of minutes, a small, western Kansas community by the name of Greensburg was over 95% destroyed by a tornado. After the storm, the community’s civic leaders decided to rebuild Green. As a result, the modified cultural landscape no longer resembled the once familiar town that was viewed as a place of attachment by its predominantly elderly population. The purpose of this thesis is to better understand how the May 4th, 2007, tornado affected the elderly’s emotional connection to Greensburg. To identify how the town’s landscape changed I used before and after photographs. In order to more fully comprehend how their attachment to the community has changed, interviews were conducted with several elderly residents who rebuilt in Greensburg, as well as those who moved away. The results suggest that the elderly experienced a significant change in their bond to the town. Typically the elderly did not embrace going Green and focused more on retaining their memories of how the town used to be. Most significant to their development and change in place attachment were the relationships they developed and maintained with fellow community members. Overall, it was the people that made Greensburg home and a place of attachment. When many of them left for good after the tornado, the elderly’s place attachment to Greensburg was forever changed.

March 11, 2011 Earthquake in Japan and 2005 Hurricane Katrina both caused significant destruction and were both viewed as examples of government failures in natural disaster management. One year after the disasters, both countries enacted several policy reforms in response to their failures. However, while in the U.S, the central government's emergency power was strengthened, the DPJ (Democratic Party of Japan)'s government carried out reforms to strengthen the local governments. On the other hand, the other prominent political party in Japan, the LDP (Liberal Democratic Party), argued for more centralized power. How did these parties take different lessons from the natural disasters? This paper will first analyze the factors that led to government failures in the disaster relief period, and then evaluate the most influential factors that led to the policy reforms. Eventually, we would be able to figure out the exact factors that led the U.S, the DPJ and the LDP to their conclusions.

<p>How households and individuals respond to adverse and unanticipated shocks is an important concern for both economists and policy makers. This is especially true in developing countries where poverty, weak infrastructure, and a lack of social safety nets often exacerbate the effects of adverse shocks on household welfare. My research addresses these issues in the context of three economic outcomes and behaviors - early life health and the accumulation of human capital, willingness to take on financial risk, and behavior in the labor market. The results of this research project both adds to our understanding of how life experiences shape individuals' well-being and behavior and how policy can help individuals achieve long-term improvements in the lives following adverse events.</p><p>My research focuses on households and individuals affected by a large-scale natural disaster, the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami. I utilize data from the Study of the Tsunami Aftermath and Recovery (STAR), a unique longitudinal survey of individuals and households living in coastal communities in Aceh and North Sumatra, Indonesia, at the time of the tsunami. The STAR surveys were conducted annually for five years after the disaster and include a wide range of demographic, economic, and health measures.</p><p>In the first chapter, Child Height after a Natural Disaster, co-authored with Elizabeth Frankenberg, Duncan Thomas, and Jed Friedman, we investigate the immediate and long-run impacts on child health of in utero exposure to stress induced by the tsunami. We investigate whether in utero exposure to stress, as measured by tsunami-induced maternal posttraumatic stress, affected the growth of children born in the aftermath of the tsunami in the critical first five years of their lives. Although previous studies suggest that in utero exposure to stress is related to a number of adverse birth outcomes such as prematurity and lower birth weight, there is little evidence of the impact on linear growth, a strong correlate of later life income. We find evidence that children exposed to high levels of stress beginning in the second trimester experienced reduced growth in the first two years of their lives. We also find evidence that growth reductions largely disappear by age five. This suggests that significant catch-up growth is possible, particularly in the context of pronounced post-disaster reconstruction and economic rehabilitation.</p><p>In the second chapter, The Impact of a Natural Disaster on Observed Risk Aversion, I investigate the short and long-term impacts of the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami on attitudes toward risk. Attitudes toward risk are important determinants of economic, demographic, and health-related behaviors, but how these attitudes evolve after an event like a natural disaster remains unclear because past research has been confounded by issues of selective exposure, mortality, and migration. My study is the first to directly address these problems by utilizing exogenous variation in exposure to a disruptive event in a sample of individuals that is representative of the population as it existed at the time of the event. In addition, intensive efforts were made to track migrants in the sample population, which is important for this study because migration is common following events like natural disasters and is likely related to attitudes toward risk. I find that physical exposure to the tsunami (e.g., seeing or hearing the tsunami or being caught up in the tsunami) causes significant short-term decreases in observed aversion to risk, especially for the poor, but few longer-term differences. This finding has important implications for the design of effective post-disaster assistance policies. In particular, it implies that post-disaster assistance programs should include aid that is consistent with the observed risk attitudes of the survivors such as job training and capital to start-up businesses.</p><p>In the last chapter, Labor Market Outcomes following the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami, I investigate how labor market outcomes changed in coastal communities in Aceh and North Sumatra following the tsunami and the post-disaster recovery efforts. Although restoring the livelihoods of survivors of adverse events is critical for their long-term recovery, there is little evidence from developing countries of how labor market outcomes change after such events. Using the STAR data, I find a significant and persistent increase in paid employment for younger women in urban communities. The increase occurred in communities that were heavily damaged by the tsunami and those that were not, suggesting that the impacts of the disaster on livelihoods are likely long-lasting and extend beyond the communities that were directly stuck by the disaster.</p> / Dissertation

This thesis evaluates whether or not information data sharing is effectively used between federal, state, and local government agencies and non-governmental agencies in a metropolitan area during and immediately after a major natural disaster. Also, whether vulnerable populations were identified and considered during emergency management. The chosen study area is the City of Richmond, VA, and the disaster response is based on flooding episodes that occurred in the city over the last decade following hurricanes and tropical depressions. Questionnaires were administered to representatives of federal, state, and local agencies and NGOs. The questionnaires consisted of a Likert-style series of 10 questions and a group of more broadly based and open ended questions that were administered in person or by phone and included four questions designed to identify progress made since the last disaster. The self-administered Likert-style of questions consisted of identifying agency planning and operational activity, interaction with other agencies, means for data collection, use of FEMA’s Partnership Guides, and communication with the public. These questions were also designed to identify the agency activity in each of the four major areas of emergency management, namely mitigation, preparedness, response and recovery. In general there appears to be good lines of communication, co-operation, and interaction between agencies based on the concept that disaster management is a local issue and only involves the state and federal governments in cases of very severe disasters. Consistent with this was the fact that there was essentially no use of the FEMA Partnership Guide by state and local agencies. GIS capacity is generally good, as is data sharing via a number of methods, including regular meetings. A variety of methods are used to inform the general public, including reverse 911, radio, television and social networks although vulnerable populations may have difficult accessing some of these.