Thesis (M.A.)--Miami University, Dept. of History, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF document. Document formatted into pages; contains [2], 56 p. : ill. Includes bibliographical references (p. 50-56).

Thesis (M.S.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1962. / Typescript. eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 224-237).

Th.--Sc. Polit.--Genève, 1973. N°: n°256. / Bibliogr. p. 295-316. Index.

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Este trabalho procura analisar as políticas externa e nuclear da Índia, durante a gestão do Primeiro Ministro Jawaharlal Nehru, 1947-64. Durante esse período, Nehru assumiu uma política que visava a manter a Índia fora da bipolaridade típica do sistema internacional durante a Guerra Fria. Enquanto defendia a solução pacífica dos problemas internacionais, o fim do imperialismo, o fim das políticas raciais, a diminuição das desigualdades entre as nações e a eliminação das armas nucleares, Nehru conduziu uma política nuclear ambígua, ostensivamente pacífica. Sob o argumento de preservar a independência e romper com todos os resquícios do imperialismo, ele procurou manter aberta a opção para desenvolver um programa de armas nucleares. Minha hipótese é a de que Nehru tinha como objetivo estratégico garantir as condições para que no futuro o país alcançasse o status de Grande Potência. Neste sentido, busco confrontar as ações de sua política externa e nuclear com algumas das idéias e propostas para a Índia independente contidas em sua obra clássica - The Discovery of India / The objective of this work is the focus on Indias foreign and nuclear policy during the period of government - 1947 to 1964 - when Jawaharlal Nehru was Prime Minister of that country. It was during this period that Nehru initiated policies forecasting Indias strategies and interests to forge a neutral position rather than the military pacts that characterized the Cold War period. Whilst defending the pacification of international conflict; the ending of imperialism and racialism; the decreasing of inequality between nations, and the elimination of all nuclear armaments, Nehru embarked on an ambiguous policy that was ostensibly peaceful, yet it disguised the preservation of independence the breaking of ties with imperialism while still sustaining the option to create a nuclear weapons programme. My premise is that Nehru devised strategic goals to guarantee conditions favourable to India and achieve an international profile as a formidable future power. I have also attempted to confront the actions and the depth of Nehrus nuclear policy combining his ideas and proposals for an independent India as detailed in the seminal publication The Discovery of India.

Este trabalho procura analisar as políticas externa e nuclear da Índia, durante a gestão do Primeiro Ministro Jawaharlal Nehru, 1947-64. Durante esse período, Nehru assumiu uma política que visava a manter a Índia fora da bipolaridade típica do sistema internacional durante a Guerra Fria. Enquanto defendia a solução pacífica dos problemas internacionais, o fim do imperialismo, o fim das políticas raciais, a diminuição das desigualdades entre as nações e a eliminação das armas nucleares, Nehru conduziu uma política nuclear ambígua, ostensivamente pacífica. Sob o argumento de preservar a independência e romper com todos os resquícios do imperialismo, ele procurou manter aberta a opção para desenvolver um programa de armas nucleares. Minha hipótese é a de que Nehru tinha como objetivo estratégico garantir as condições para que no futuro o país alcançasse o status de Grande Potência. Neste sentido, busco confrontar as ações de sua política externa e nuclear com algumas das idéias e propostas para a Índia independente contidas em sua obra clássica - The Discovery of India / The objective of this work is the focus on Indias foreign and nuclear policy during the period of government - 1947 to 1964 - when Jawaharlal Nehru was Prime Minister of that country. It was during this period that Nehru initiated policies forecasting Indias strategies and interests to forge a neutral position rather than the military pacts that characterized the Cold War period. Whilst defending the pacification of international conflict; the ending of imperialism and racialism; the decreasing of inequality between nations, and the elimination of all nuclear armaments, Nehru embarked on an ambiguous policy that was ostensibly peaceful, yet it disguised the preservation of independence the breaking of ties with imperialism while still sustaining the option to create a nuclear weapons programme. My premise is that Nehru devised strategic goals to guarantee conditions favourable to India and achieve an international profile as a formidable future power. I have also attempted to confront the actions and the depth of Nehrus nuclear policy combining his ideas and proposals for an independent India as detailed in the seminal publication The Discovery of India.

This thesis attempts to reformulate the concept of hope represented in, and inflected by, the Indian English novel. This comparative literary study focuses primarily on Amitav Ghosh and Rohinton Mistry, whose novels offer myriad examples and resultant effects of a reflexive hope. I argue in light of their work to refigure hope in its varied and multiple articulations: positive and negative, for-life and for-death, dependency, waiting, nostalgia, narcissism. All of these, I suggest, manifest in a nominal-messianic hope that formulates a powerful critique of global capital most advantageously constellated in these Indian English novels. I arrive at this from the early writings of Jawaharlal Nehru and his unshakable belief in socialist progress that informs the productive tension within hope that inform the readings of Ghosh’s and Mistry’s novels. Concomitant to this thesis on hope is the recalibration of definitions of poverty to the principles of capabilities that allow for the simultaneous discussion of how the state can shape social opportunities for its citizens. This, I argue, is necessary for the flourishing of more nuanced understanding of hope. Moving away from purely quantitative measurements of poverty to more qualitative capabilities pushes the novel to the foreground of these arguments. Just as Nehru explores his own formulations of hope and hopefulness through the poetry of Matthew Arnold, the Indian English novel, here, is best able to enunciate a reflexive hope that is central to the notion of capabilities. This is why poverty studies in India needs the Indian English novel.

This dissertation examines attempts at the revival of Buddhism in India from the late nineteenth century to the middle of the twentieth century. Typically, Dr. Bhimrao Ambedkar's conversion to Buddhism in 1956 is seen as the start of the neo-Buddhist movement in India. I see this important post-colonial moment as an endpoint in a larger trajectory of efforts at reviving Buddhism in India. The term "revival" itself arose as a result of a particular understanding of Indian history as having had a Buddhist phase in the distant past. Buddhism is also seen in the historiography as a British colonial discovery (or "recovery") for their Indian subjects viz. a range of archaeological and philological endeavors starting in the early decades of the nineteenth century. I argue that there was a quite prolific Indian discourse on Buddhism starting from the late nineteenth century that segued into secret histories of cosmopolitanism, modernity, nationalism and caste radicalism in India. In this context I examine a constellation of figures including the Sri Lankan Buddhist ideologue and activist Anagarika Dharmapala, Buddhist studies scholars like Beni Madhab Barua, the Hindi writer, socialist, and sometime Buddhist monk Rahula Sankrityayana, the first Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru and Ambedkar himself among others, to explicate how Buddhism was constructed and deployed in the service of these ideologies and pervaded both liberal and radical Indian thought formations. In the process, Buddhism came to be characterized as both a universal and national religion, as the first modern faith system long before the actual advent of the modern age, as a system of ethics that espoused liberal values, an ethos of gender and caste equality, and independent and rational thinking, as a veritable civil religion for a new nation, and as a liberation theology for Dalits in India and indeed for the entire nation. My dissertation is about the people, networks, ideas and things that made this possible. / History

China and India claimed two territories along their borders on the Himalayas: Aksai Chin in the west and the North-East Frontier Agency in the east. The border dispute escalated and, on October 20, 1962, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) opened fire on the two fronts and advanced into the disputed territories. One month later, on November 21, China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew behind its disputed line of control. In response, the Indian government arrested over 2,000 Chinese living in India and interned them in Deoli, Rajasthan. When the Chinese were released between 1964 and 1966, they found their properties sold off by the Indian government. Many left India and immigrated to Canada. I interviewed four Indian-born Chinese who were interned and who now live in the Greater Toronto Area. I recorded their accounts of life in Deoli Detention Camp in Rajasthan.

China and India claimed two territories along their borders on the Himalayas: Aksai Chin in the west and the North-East Frontier Agency in the east. The border dispute escalated and, on October 20, 1962, the Chinese People’s Liberation Army (PLA) opened fire on the two fronts and advanced into the disputed territories. One month later, on November 21, China declared a unilateral ceasefire and withdrew behind its disputed line of control. In response, the Indian government arrested over 2,000 Chinese living in India and interned them in Deoli, Rajasthan. When the Chinese were released between 1964 and 1966, they found their properties sold off by the Indian government. Many left India and immigrated to Canada. I interviewed four Indian-born Chinese who were interned and who now live in the Greater Toronto Area. I recorded their accounts of life in Deoli Detention Camp in Rajasthan.