Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2005. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-04, Section: A, page: 1467. Adviser: James C. Riley. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Nov. 9, 2006)."

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2005. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 66-04, Section: A, page: 1467. Adviser: Toivo U. Raun. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed Nov. 9, 2006)."

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-11, Section: A, page: 4305. Adviser: Peter Fritzsche. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 273-293) Available on microfilm from Pro Quest Information and Learning.

Thesis (PH.D.) -- Syracuse University, 2006 / "Publication number AAT 3251814."

Thesis (Ph.D.)--Indiana University, Dept. of History, 2006. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 67-04, Section: A, page: 1487. Adviser: Ben Eklof. "Title from dissertation home page (viewed June 18, 2007)."

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The general aim is to examine in detail the initiation of poor law policy by municipal authorities, with London as the main theme but with consideration of Hull for comparative purposes. Both are treated in relation to parallel State policy. Chapter I is introductory, calling attention to the general causes for increased vagrancy and distress in the sixteenth century, indicating the scope of the thesis and describing the manuscript sources. Chapter II deals with the extent and nature of sixteenth-century vagrancy, the contemporary conception of a vagabond, the art of begging revealed by the London archives and contemporary literature, and the city haunts of the sturdy beggar. Chapter III treats of London's vagrancy policy, sketching first State and City policy before 1485, and then proceeding to detailed examination of the period of transition and experiment (1485 - 1531). City policy preceded State action. Its keynotes were (a) settlement (b) severe punishment. Chapter IV continues the survey to 1552. The main features are (a) until 1547, great administrative activity (b) 1547 - 1552, and the development of a more humane treatment of vagrancy, marked by the foundation of Bridewell. Chapter V traces to 1576 Hull's vagrancy policy, which developed later than that of London. Hull's chief aim was to stabilise labour, but there were certain resemblances to London's policy and these are noted. Chapter VI reviews development of municipal relief of the poor in London and Hull. In London, (a) until 1536, policy was mainly concerned with the regulation of begging; (b) 1536 - 1552 circumstances hastened municipal interference and finally a general scheme of poor relief was formulated, involving the foundation of the Royal Hospitals. In Hull the problem was less urgent, interference was more gradual and largely State-directed. Chapter VII summarises the result of these detailed surveys. Documentary evidence to illustrate the various aspects of the subject is quoted in full in 25 Appendices.

Lord Malmesbury was appointed Foreign Secretary on 26 February, 1858, in Lord Derby's Second Administration. In March he successfully ended the bitter quarrel with France which had resulted from Orsini's attempted assassination of Napoleon. Later in the year he secured the release of the two English engineers of the "Cagliari" from a Neapolitan prison. His attempt to mediate between France and Portugal in the dispute over the "Charles et Georges" was less successful. In the East Malmesbury upheld the Treaty of 1856. Friction developed with France over the war in Montenegro, but the murder of the English and French Consuls at Jeddah led to Anglo-French co-operation in securing retribution. Crises over Serbia and the Danube placed Malmesbury on the side of France against Austria, but in the larger question of the Principalities, he contributed to an avoidance of a Franco-Austrian break. His most important sphere of action was Italy. From January to May, 1859, maintained constant diplomatic pressure on all the Powers to preserve the peace. While upholding the Treaty of 1815, he hoped to settle the Italian Question by gradual reforms, and by inducing Austria to make concessions. He sent Lord Cowley on a mediating mission to Vienna in March, and in April occupied a central position in the negotiations for a Congress to consider the affairs of Italy. But events moved too quickly for him. The rising tempo of the "Risorgimento", Cavour's conspiracies, and the uncompromising behaviour of Austria, led to a Franco-Austrian War in May. In the war Malmesbury maintained an impartial neutrality. He helped to localize hostilities by advising the German States not to support Austria. Before the Peace of Villafranca the Derby Government had resigned, on 18 June.

The period from 1830 to 1853 has been called the age of paradox, the age in which the beliefs in Laissez-faire and state intervention alternately determined the legislation and attitude of Parliament. This was the case, for example, in the Repeal of the Corn Laws in 1846 and the Ten Hours' Act of 1847. Historians of the early 1900's, emphasizing the ruthless individualism of the period, frequently credited the Earl of Shaftesbury with single-handedly forcing exceptions on a Laissez-faire age. More recent writers, recognizing the work of Bentham and Chadwick, see two antithetical trends, Both these groups, looking more to events than to beliefs, fail to explain the seeming inconsistency of the men who voted in favour of both the Bill of 1846 and the Bill of 1847. This thesis attempts to show, through a study of the controversy over Factory Legislation between 1830 and 1853, the development of a political theory justifying both Repeal and Ten Hours. It is a study of public opinion as seen in the pamphlets, periodicals, newspapers, books, speeches and popular agitations and of the work and opinions of the Factory Inspectors, The attitude towards Government in the early 1800's was strongly influenced by the classical economist's popularization of Adam Smith's teaching. Gradually the condition of England made the country aware that an inflexible application of Laissez-faire was causing, or at least not remedying, the misery of the working class. The majority of men, however, continued to support Free Trade. Consequently, Laissez-faire was reinterpreted to comprehend the distinction between human wealth and commercial wealth, and to allow Government interference to increase the former, while still denying its efficacy to increase the latter; that is, to permit interference in the internal relations of industry while continuing to deny it in the external.

The administration of French towns in the eighteenth century was in the hands of two bodies, the corps de ville and the assembles generale des habitants, which were usually dominated by a close, well-to-do oligarchy. Although municipal elections were organized in a host of different ways, there were two characteristics common to many towns - indirect elections and representation based on class or profession - both of which were conducive to oligarchy. Opposition to this municipal oligarchy was led by bailliage officials, whose political importance and economic power suffered a marked decline in the eighteenth century. The essentials of municipal finance were similar in all towns. The most usual source of revenue was taxation on consumer goods, though some towns also levied personal taxation. The disbursement of this revenue was not at the municipal officials' discretion, but decided either by the royal council or by the intendant. Colbert had restricted the towns' financial independence in order to prevent misappropriation and peculation of municipal revenue. The government's less altruistic reason for controlling municipal expenditure was that in times of crisis it looked to the towns for extraordinary financial assistance. This it extorted principally by means of rachats des offices and dons gratuits. The effect of this policy on a town's finances is well illustrated by the history of Auxerre. This town's relations with the intendants of Burgundy suggest that the government's direction of municipal finance was not in practice as efficient as it was intended to be in theory. The archives of Auxerre and Avallon also contain valuable information about municipal elections in the eighteenth century, the conventions which governed them, the passions they aroused, and the part played by intrigue and influence.