Laurence Hyde is a figure of the late Restoration as his political career only began after his exiled father's death. In the seventies he was an insignificant member of the Court Party in the Commons which was organised by Danby in opposition to the strong country party. During this period Hyde played an official diplomatic role in the vacillating policy of England towards the Nimuegen settlements from 1676 to 1678. This uncertain policy was forced on Charles II partly by his secret French entanglements, partly by Danby's ardent anti-Gallicanism, and partly by the reluctance of the suspicious Commons to supply the men and money necessary for the Anglo-Dutch alliance which they had demanded. These complexities led to Danby's failure in 1678; and the Popish Plot crisis then arising, not only caused his own downfall but completely overshadowed foreign affairs. The resulting Exclusion struggle gradually deprived the Crown of the mass of Court Party support and gave a few younger courtiers, notably the Yorkist Hyde, an opportunity to advance rapidly in the understaffed royal government. Hyde played a confidential part in completing the secret French money treaty of 1681 which enabled Charles to win an unexpected victory over the Exclusionists. For the next four years he reaped the reward of fidelity in the leadership of the reactionary government of the High Tories. James II's accession made Hyde's position apparently supreme, but the fanatical Catholic policy which the King soon displayed split the High Tory party into two irreconcilable groups: one devoted to Anglicanism, the other to the prerogative. Hyde, devoted to both ideals and tom between the two, had no definite policy in 1688 and thus incurred the opprobrium of both James and Orange. His inevitable political decline after 1688 epitomises the break up of the old Church and State party upon which his father had believed the Restoration settlement was founded.

The thesis opens with a very general account of the earliest settlement in the Plymouth region, passing to a more detailed treatment of the manorial division of the district and the settlements on the site of modern Plymouth - their character, growth and significance in the development both of a corporate life within the region and of commercial interests overseas. The effect on the neighbourhood of the extension of the Empire and of national prestige at sea is considered, particularly in relation to the expansion of the port's colonial trade. This brings us to the end of Ch. 5. At this stage the salient physical conditions governing the use of the port are discussed, prior to an examination of the trends of commerce from the 1860s to the present day. The port includes three important and highly individualised harbours, and after studying the characteristics of the port trade as a whole, each of these harbours is considered separately. Part II concludes with a study of Plymouth as the centre of the Westcountry fishing industry. Part III deals with the human and social aspects of the City behind the Port, beginning by tracing the actual consolidation of the several elements into the present highly complex unity of the City of Plymouth, correlating each major advance with the larger developments both in the district and in the country as a whole. Population changes during the past twenty years and the human and economic factors now at work in determining the character of the connurbation are treated in some detail. Finally the City-Port is considered as a centre of commerce, trade and social intercourse, in relation first, to its immediate hinterland, and secondly, to the major population centres of the British Isles.

Edward III chose the chapel in Windsor Castle to be the centre of his new Order of the Garter. A college of secular canons was founded to serve it, and benefactions of the king and other companions of the Garter provided an annual income of about £600. Many of the canons were royal clerks. Statutes drawn up for the college in 1352 by the bishop of Winchester gave control of administration, under the chapter, to three officials elected annually from the residentiaries. Of these three, the treasurer was concerned with finance, especially disbursements, the steward with estate management and collecting revenue, and the precentor with the chapel and its services. Chief of the treasurer's duties was paying wages to members of the college, but he was also responsible for all expenditure made by himself and other officers, except the precentor, and was finally accountable for revenues, which, although collected by the steward, were delivered to him. Important among sources of revenue were eleven appropriated churches and three manors. Estates In Berkshire and Buckinghamshire were at first managed directly, but by 1361 all except two nearby manors were at farm. With regard to estates at farm, the steward's duties were to arrange leases, make occasional visits of Inspection and collect rents. Towards estates under direct management his responsibilities were heavier, Including constant economic supervision, and holding court. Local officials held office for long periods, and the steward had a permanent lay helper, the steward of the courts. The income of the chapel itself (offerings and gifts) was collected by the precentor who paid from it for the upkeep of the chapel and the services. Accounts of central and local officials were audited annually at Windsor by the dean and two other elected residentlaries, helped with manorial accounts by an outside auditor.

The Union left the future of Scottish administration in the hands of the Queen's ministers. The methods adopted by Godolphin and Harley differed, partly because their political problems were different and partly because of temperament. Godolphin tried as far as he could to rule Scotland in the old way, through Queensberry1s Court Party. He hoped to strengthen the Court at Westminster with the Scottish representatives elected under influence. When the abolition of the Privy Council upset his full scheme he strove to keep the channel of administration between England and Scotland in the hands of the Court Party. Harley also wished to strengthen the Court at Westminster but he could not rule through a homogeneous Court Party in Scotland since he was hoping to draw support from too wide a field to risk giving offence. To solve the problem he tried to administer Scotland himself through the financial departments, advised by personal agents. He hoped to make the secretary?s office redundant. The scheme proved to be largely a system of centralised procrastination. Opportunity was provided for Bolingbroke as a secretary of State to expedite business in a bid for interest amongst the Scots. In self defence Harley had to appoint Mar as third secretary. As far as revenue departments were concerned Godolphin kept to the proper channels of business, observed precedent and set much store by official opinion. Patronage he left largely to the commissioners which probably meant putting it in the hands of the Scottish ministry. Harley trusted the revenue commissioners far less and was much less a respecter of the proper channels and forms of business. And, although it was done informally, patronage seems to have been directed much more from the Treasury under Harley.

This thesis covers the period (1640-53) of Vane's significant political activity in England. It examines his work as administrator -a neglected aspect of his career. The fluctuating fortunes and membership of the group led by Vane and St. John are traced; its struggle with Holies's group was reflected in the use made of the Committee of Both Kingdoms to deprive parliament as a whole of authority. Vane's mastery of parliamentary tactics was often demonstrated, for instance in the Self-Denying Ordinance, which had important political purposes. His support of religious toleration in England, Ireland and America contrasts strongly with his harsh attitude to political opposition. By December 1646 Holles's group dominated the Commons, and Vane virtually boycotted parliament for some months. Though always aware of the dangers of military control, he was at one with some Army leaders, though not with the Levellers, on many issues, and when the Army intervened in 1647 he returned to the House. His administrative gifts were shown by his work on the Committee of Both Kingdoms, and as Navy Treasurer; the financial rewards of the latter office were considerable from 1645 onwards. His withdrawal from public affairs in January 1649 was followed by a period of extraordinary activity, in which Vane was the architect of the Union with Scotland, the abortive Union with Holland, and above all, the Commonwealth Navy, though he did not neglect the interests of his constituency, his family or himself. He probably opposed the Dutch War at first, but in December 1652 he wrested from a reluctant parliament authority for an Admiralty Commission, whose new policy bore fruit in Blake's victory off Portland. By this time Vane was politically isolated, and at odds with Hesilrige and Marten; friction with Cromwell on naval policy was followed by the dismissal of the Rump.

European integration has been the zeitgeist of Western European politics since the end of the Second World War. Governments and parties not committed to the project have been unable to avoid the issue in the wake of ongoing integration. It has generated unprecedented inter- and intra-party tensions in certain member states due to the passions aroused by the threat that European integration poses to national sovereignty. This study attempts to fill the gap in research on the impact of 'ever closer union' on party systems by examining those of Denmark and the United Kingdom, which are widely recognised as the European Unions two most "Eurosceptical" members. The approach has been through the medium of personal interviews with committed political actors across the party spectrum in both countries, supported by other primary and secondary evidence. The aim was to assess whether -or not European integration had generated permanent party system change commensurate with the sound and fury the issue had provoked on the national stage. A second aim was to show how the mapping of such changes might allow the behaviour of other parties and party systems to be predicted as European integration continues. The research concludes that European integration has severely tested party and party system cohesion, but individual parties and their systems have proved remarkably adaptable and resilient in absorbing the issue. Furthermore, both inter- and intra-party divisions declined significantly through the 1980s and 1990s and by 2001, 'Europeanisation' had extended across both party systems that embraced all parties apart from those on the far right and far left in Denmark and the growing Eurosceptic wing of the British Conservative Party. An overwhelming consensus exists on the efficacy of membership of the European Union, but tensions remain on the desirability of finiher integration. Also, attitudes to membership and plans for future integration break along party lines in the two countries more clearly than was the case when they became members in 1973. This situation is likely to continue as integration deepens, widening cleavages between parties rather than within them, but posing little threat to the party systems themselves.

abstract: In 1809 the Memoirs of Prince Eugene, of Savoy<\italic> was published in Vienna. The book was written by Charles-Joseph de Ligne, a Flemish prince who lived seventy years after Eugene of Savoy, the general who commanded the army of the Holy Roman Empire in the War of the Spanish Succession. Eugene's military career spanned fifty years and five wars, yet he is less known than his English counterpart, John Churchill, Duke of Marlborough. The memoirs were only attributed to Eugene for a short period and then tossed aside as the creative musings of a cultured prince who left quite the written legacy. Though attributed to the prince, a contemporary reader would not have thought that the manuscript had been penned by Eugene. The memoirs were heavily inspired by a biography by El&eacute;azar Mauvillon, which was published only six years after Eugene's death. Few of Eugene's own letters survived his death, and he never wrote the memoirs of his own campaigns. Marlborough, by contrast, was a prolific letter writer, and the two generals spent some of the major campaigns of the war together with the result that Eugene has featured in much of the research done on Marlborough as a secondary character. Charles-Joseph de Ligne desired to be as good a writer as he was a soldier. His legacy included his own memoirs, which reflected the desire to be as successful as Eugene and to raise Eugene to the proper level of acknowledgement in military history. This thesis explores the historical memory of Eugene as perpetuated by Ligne's literary creation as well as the historical context in which Eugene rose to fame for his military genius and proves the historical accuracy of Ligne's mystification of Mauvillon's biography. / Dissertation/Thesis / M.A. History 2011

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<p> Studies on historical representations of anarchists tend to focus on terrorist depictions and how they compare to the actual activities of the anarchist movement. Using British print media, this thesis explores other political, cultural, and social representations of anarchists in an effort to expand the field beyond a strict focus on terrorism. In addition, this thesis will also investigate the ways Cesare Lombroso and Havelock Ellis shaped discussions of anarchists in the British public sphere.</p><p>

Boston University. University Professors Program Senior theses. / PLEASE NOTE: Boston University Libraries did not receive an Authorization To Manage form for this thesis. It is therefore not openly accessible, though it may be available by request. If you are the author or principal advisor of this work and would like to request open access for it, please contact us at open-help@bu.edu. Thank you. / 2031-01-02