Thesis advisor: Deborah Levenson / A historical analysis of the political strategies employed by indigenous activsts throughout Ecuador's contemporary indigenous movement. Particular attention is paid to evolving notions of citizenhsip at the national level, land reform, institutional mobilization and identity politics. / Thesis (BA) — Boston College, 2004. / Submitted to: Boston College. College of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: History. / Discipline: College Honors Program.

Thèse (M.A.)--Université Laval, 2008. / Bibliogr.: f. [126]-144. Publié aussi en version électronique dans la Collection Mémoires et thèses électroniques.

The Ecuadorian Indian movement entered electoral politics in 1996 through the Pachakutik political party. For the 2002 presidential and congressional elections, Pachakutik made an alliance with ex-colonel and 2000 coup leader Lucio Gutiérrez. After a first-place finish in the first round, Gutiérrez went on to win the presidency in a run-off. This research seeks to determine whether the Indian movement, via Pachakutik, was able to transform its constituency into an effective indigenous voting bloc. The analysis of the 2002 electoral returns applies the Ecological Inference method developed by Gary King. The results show that while indigenous voters were more likely to support Gutiérrez and Pachakutik congressional candidates than non-indigenous voters, large proportions of the indigenous electorate apparently did not follow the well-organized and relatively unified movement leadership.

Mémoire de DEA : Sociologie : Paris 3 : 2005. / Bibliogr. f. 124-132.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2006. / Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 21, 2006). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 493-512).

Bien qu'apparus à la même époque et dans des conditions similaires, le MAS et Pachakutik, deux nouveaux partis autochtones latino-américains, connaissent des évolutions différentes: le parcours du premier est marqué par un succès croissant, alors que le second, après une entrée fracassante sur la scène électorale, peine à maintenir ses résultats. Pour mieux comprendre cet écart, le présent travail utilise la théorie de la mobilisation des ressources et procède à une analyse comparée, inspirée de la méthode de différence de Mill et appuyée d'un process-tracing. Un examen de la performance électorale des deux organisations est d'abord réalisé, suivi d'une évaluation de l'efficacité de leur leadership et de la solidité de leur base organisationnelle. L'étude révèle que la qualité du leadership et de la base du MAS a contribué à son succès, alors que le déclin de Pachakutik au niveau national peut être lié à l'étiolement de ces ressources. / Although appearing at the same time and in similar conditions, the MAS and Pachakutik, two new indigenous parties in Latin America, have known a different development: while the course of the former is marked by growing success, the latter, after a staggering entrance on the electoral scene, has had difficulties to maintain its results. To understand this difference, this paper uses the resource mobilisation theory and carries out a compared analysis, inspired of Mill's method of difference and completed by a process-tracing. The electoral performance of both organisations is first examined. It is followed by an evaluation of their leadership's efficiency and their organisational base's strength. The study shows that the quality of the MAS's leadership and base has contributed to its success, while Pachakutik's decline at the national level can be linked to the deterioration of these resources.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.

Framed within a discussion of populism, this thesis provides a critical analysis of the campaign and short tenure in office of Ecuadorian President Lucio Gutiérrez Borbúa. It outlines a multi-dimensional approach to populism that is characterized by five components: (1) personalistic leadership, (2) a heterogeneous coalition of support, (3) top-down political mobilization, (4) an ambiguous ideological discourse, and (5) a redistributive and clientelistic economic approach. Applied to the Gutiérrez case, the multi-dimensional approach highlights the viability and volatility of populism.<p> This thesis argues that Gutiérrez ascended to the presidency through the successful application of a populist strategy, which generated significant expectations among the public and his political allies. Yet, once in office, Gutiérrez populist strategy was unable to sustain the support he enjoyed during the campaign. The expectations he generated went unmet as he engaged in clear reversals of the populist imaginary created by his candidacy. His twenty-eight months in office were characterized by neoliberalism, corruption, and status quo political machinations that had sunk his predecessors. Tracking Gutiérrez transition from populist champion to political pariah using the multi-dimensional approach indicates that although populism can be an effective electoral strategy, it can also impose significant limitations on a government. Ultimately, the Gutiérrez case reinforces the important role played by the populist imaginary in determining the success or failure of populist leaders.