Cette étude vise à faire la lumière sur le discours politique du mouvement Hamas, dans le cadre d'une approche comparée critique qui s'appuie sur une méthodologie historique dans la recherche et l'analyse. Nous suivons le passage de ce Mouvement, aux références idéologiques religieuses islamistes, de l'opposition palestinienne au pouvoir. Nous essaierons d'atteindre les objectifs suivants :Décrire l'émergence et l'évolution de ce Mouvement, incarnation vivante des Frères musulmans en Palestine, ainsi que les circonstances et facteurs qui ont conduit à sa régression à certains moments de l'histoire et à sa montée en puissance à d'autres. Nous cherchons également à connaitre les racines de ce mouvement avant et après 1948 et jusqu'au déclenchement de l'Intifada en 1987.Identifier les facteurs qui influent sur les politiques et la prise de décision de ce Mouvement, notamment le facteur idéologique et partisan, étant donné qu'il fait partie intégrante du Mouvement international des Frères musulmans dont l'Islam est la référence idéologique et politique. Il existe également le facteur de l'action nationale palestinienne et les intérêts partisans qui lui ont imposé des visions et des positions pragmatiques. De plus, il convient d'analyser la division du leadership entre intérieur et extérieur et enfin l'influence extraordinaire de l'aile militaire dans la formulation des politiques et dans la prise de décision.Identifier les positions du mouvement Hamas vis-à-vis du système politique palestinien dans ses deux composantes - l'OLP et l'Autorité nationale palestinienne - mais aussi vis-à-vis du conflit israélo-palestinien et les options de règlement de celui-ci, et donc de sa position vis-à-vis du règlement politique, comparée aux positions de l'OLP et des autres factions palestiniennes. Cette étude cherche également à connaître la position du Hamas sur le principe de la libération de la Palestine et vis-à-vis des initiatives politiques de l'OLP et des Etats arabes, et celles des organisations ou des pays amis, comme la Conférence internationale, et à faire la lumière sur l'initiative politique du Hamas en comparaison avec les positions des autres forces.Identifier la relation entre le Hamas et les Frères musulmans et le degré d'autonomie dont jouit le Hamas dans le cadre de sa relation avec l'organisation mère, de caractère internationaliste. L'étude tente aussi d'étudier la nature de la relation de ce mouvement avec les organisations internationales, régionales et arabes, en particulier avec les Etats-Unis d'Amérique, l'Union européenne, la Russie, les autres pays de la région et de connaitre sa place dans les axes dans la région, notamment « l'axe de la résistance », à la lumière de ses relations avec les pays arabes voisins de la Palestine (Egypte, Jordanie, Syrie et Liban) et ceux qui influent sur les politiques régionales et arabe en général, et l'Arabie Saoudite et l'Iran en particulier.Explorer l'expérience du Hamas dans sa transition de l'opposition au pouvoir et faire un parallèle avec l'expérience l'Islam politique, en particulier le mouvement des Frères musulmans, le courant salafiste jihadiste, Al-Qaïda, le Hezbollah libanais et enfin le Parti de la Justice et du développement turc, depuis sa création jusqu'à son accession au pouvoir. / This report aims at highlighting the political ideology of Hamas in a comparative approach through critical analysis and researches, based on a historical methodology. We followed this political movement through its religious ideology and Islamic references, from its position as a Palestinian opposition to the reached power itself. We tried to achieve the following objectives:Describing the emergence and evolution of the movement, the living embodiment of the Muslim Brotherhood in Palestine, as well as the factors and circumstances that led to its decline and its rise at certain periods of the History. We also seek to know the roots of this movement before and after 1948 and until the outbreak of the intifada in 1987.Identifying the factors that influence the policies and decision making of the Movement, espacially the ideological and partisan aspect, as a matter of fact that Hamas is a fundamental element of the international movement Muslim Brotherhood, where Islam is the ideological and political reference. The report tackles the aspect of the national Palestinian actions and partisan interests who have imposed their own visions and pragmatic positions. In addition, it is necessary to analyze the division of leadership between the inside and outside group, but also the important influence of the military wing in the Policy building and decision making.Identifying the positions of Hamas movement towards the Palestinian political system into its two components – the PLO and the Palestinian Authority – towards the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its settlement options and therefore towards the political settlement, compared to the PLO positions and other Palestinian factions. This research seeks to determine the position of Hamas on the principle of the Palestinian liberation and towards the political PLO initiatives, the Arab States, the organizations and the friendly countries, such as the International Conference, and to bring out the political initiative of Hamas and comparing it to the other forces' positions.Identifying the relation between the Hamas and the Muslim Brotherhood, the degree of autonomy that Hamas has in the organization and its international framework. The research tries to study the nature of the relations of the movement with the international, regional and Arab organizations. A special attention is given to the United States, the European Union, Russia and the other regional countries in order to understand its place and position in the axis of the region. The attention is especially focused on the « axis of the resistance » and the kind of relations Hamas has with the Arab countries of Palestine, like Egypt, Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, and States who have an big impact on the regional policies, particularly Iran and Saudi Arabia.Exploring the experience of Hamas in the transitional period, from the opposition to the takeover and parallelly with the experience in the political aspect of Islam with the Muslim Brotherhood, the Salafi Jihad, Al-Qaida, Hezbollah and the Turkish Party of Justice and Development, from its inception until its accession in power.

Reproduction de : Thèse de doctorat : Histoire : Lyon 2 : 2006. / Titre provenant de l'écran-titre. Bibliogr. Notes bibliogr.

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This study is an effort to view events in the Ancient Near East, especially Palestine, during the Late Bronze and Early Iron Age from a somewhat different angle. In a first instance, it will try to move away from concentrating on the movement of ethnic entities. Emphasis will be on the social groupings involved, bandits and nomads being singled out especially as they behave and evolve in a highland environment. Chapter I assesses whether or not ancient Palestine in particular offers conditions appropriate for the rise of banditry. chapter 2 will analyze behavioral patterns among bandits and stress that they can function as wielders of important political and military power. Chapter 3 introduces nomads especially as they are perceived by the sedentary and urban groups, but also as they stand in relation to bandits. Chapter 4 will use these findings to present a picture of the Palestinian highlands as an autonomous hinterland. Chapter 5 will treat the Late Bronze-Iron Age transition more directly. It will point out how these same highlands became an attractive area of refuge during the time of the late Egyptian takeover, the arrival of the Sea Peoples, and, finally, the collapse of the empire. Chapter 6 will move onto the processes of state-formation after that collapse. It will present the capacities of bandits and nomads to develop stronger polities from a sociological point of view, before the concluding chapter 7 takes a close look at first the written, then the epigraphical and archaeological material relevant to the particular Palestinian highland situation, especially treating the question of the power and size of any polity that would have arisen under the given conditions.

Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2005. / Thesis Advisor(s): James A. Russell. Includes bibliographical references (p. 60-64). Also available online.

Texte remanié de: Th. doct.--Hist.--Paris 4, 1989. / Bibliogr. p. 203-217.

Peter Coleman's (2011) Attractor Landscape Model (ALM) is a promising new framework for analysing and tackling intractable conflicts: conflicts that are highly destructive and highly resistant to conflict resolution. However, this thesis suggests that Coleman's ALM may be based on unreliable assumptions about homogenous group psychology. The aim is to test the reliability of the ALM from this perspective, and to suggest ways to successfully operationalise the ALM. The reliability of the ALM is tested using the case study of professional negotiators in the Israel- Palestine Track-I peace process 2007-2011. 12 interviews are conducted with negotiators from four key actors: the EU, the US, Israel and the Negotiation Support Unit (NSU). The transcripts of these interviews are coded for patterns of 'behaving' and 'thinking', and tested against five hypotheses derived from negotiation theories and the Conceptual Integrative Complexity Scoring Manual (Baker- Brown et al., 1992). It is concluded that the case study of the Israel-Palestine Track-I peace process 2007-2011 generally provides support for the attractor landscape model. However, negotiators from the NSU stood out as a significant exception. This suggests that future studies using the ALM should investigate potentially significant differences in...

This thesis handles the subjects of freedom and democracy on the West Bank, Palestine. The analysis builds on discourse theory with focuses on the informants’ reality and experiences. In order to highlight the difficulties they face in their daily lives under occupation and oppression this thesis focuses on how they express themselves in regards to freedom and democracy. The study has been carried out through fieldwork and qualitative interviews undertaken to ascertain the people’s opinions and views on subjects of democracy and freedom. The analysis handles subjects of inequalities, how fellow citizens get divided geographically and based on opinions held, the reasons behind it; as well as the role played by the occupation of the Palestinian territories in the fight for democracy and freedom for the informants.

This thesis examines the production and function of knowledge concerning security and Israeli security. A critical, post-positivist approach to analysing the constitution and practices connected to security knowledge is justified. From a broadly Foucaultian point of view, the thesis looks at the 'regime of truth' within which ideas of Israeli security concerning Palestinians are formulated. The connections between the Security Studies discipline, academic studies focusing on Israel's security, and the formulation of Israel's policy positions towards the Palestinians are examined. Overall, it is shown how the practices of a 'social scientific' Security Studies discipline engaged in producing 'useful' knowledge for state practitioners reinforces and legitimates official Israeli security discourse and practice based around a conception of a singular state-based identity seeking security, primarily through military-diplomatic means, against a recalcitrant and hostile enemy 'Other' in the Palestinians. This basic framework of security knowledge is traced through official Israeli security discourse and practice (the security dispositif) from 1988 to 2009, offering an in-depth analysis of the development and evolution of official security processes concerning the Palestinians. Adopting an explicitly critical ethos for reflexive research, the thesis disrupts and challenges official Israeli security dynamics, finding them to be repeatedly exacerbating conflictual relations. Through the deployment of the regime of truth, the repeated instantiation of the official Israeli security dispositif is shown to re-incite and re-confirm existing parameters of knowledge and knowledge production. The thesis therefore also provides a detailed and critical examination of the notion of a repetitive 'cycle of violence' at the heart of Israeli-Palestinian relations.

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