Dissertation thesis "Relationship between National Parliaments and the European Union" examines the impacts of the European integration on the national parliaments - the limitation of their functions and powers, measures undertaken to compensate these limitation in both the EU and the national law and the new roles of national parliaments in the context of European integration. The point of departure of the thesis is the notion of representative democracy as a still unsurpassed concept of a legitimate exercise of public authority. National parliaments mainly fulfil the controlling and legitimising function in the EU affairs. To this end, they have various legal instruments at their disposal. The fulfilment of these functions is limited by political and legal factors stemming from the nature of parliaments as political, not professional bodies and from their role in the national constitutional systems. Special attention is paid to the role of national parliaments in the evolving economic and monetary union. The general findings are confronted with the legal regulation and practice in the Parliament of the Czech Republic.

Zugl.: Konstanz, Univ., Diss., 2005

Die Arbeit stellt die Tätigkeit des Sächsischen Landtages in den ersten beiden Wahlperioden (1990-1999) dar. Die Darstellung konzentriert sich auf die 4 Schwerpunkte: "Herstellung der Arbeitsfähigkeit", "Aufarbeitung der Vergangenheit", "Parlamentarische Kontrolle" und "Fragerecht der Abgeordneten und Informationspflicht der Staatsregierung". Die Tätigkeit der sächsischen Parlamentarier unterschied sich vor allem in der 1. Wahlperiode deutlich von ihren westdeutschen Kollegen. Zum einen durch umfassende legislative Arbeit und zum anderen, durch den Versuch, mit parlamentarischen Mitteln die Vergangenheit aufzuarbeiten. Auch in Bezug auf das soziale und politische Profil der Abgeordneten unterschied sich der Sächsische Landtag von den Parlamenten der alten Bundesländer. Etwa die Hälfte aller späteren Abgeordneten begann die politische Laufbahn erst im Herbst 1989. Mit dem Landtag der zweiten Wahlperiode erfolgte zwar eine zunehmende Professionalisierung, dennoch bleiben Besonderheiten im politischen Profil bestehen. Das Selbstbild der befragten Abgeordneten entsprach dem eines bürgernahen Volksvertreters, der trotz der hohen Belastungen durch das Mandat ein positives Rollenverständnis bis hin zur Idealisierung seines politischen Berufes hatte. / The work shows the activity of the Saxon Parliament in the first both electoral periods (in 1990-1999). The representation concentrates upon 4 main focuses: Production of the working ability, frocening of the past, parliamentary control and questioner-really and duty of information of the state government. The activity of the Saxon parliamentarians differed, above all, in the 1st electoral period clearly from her west-german colleagues: on the one hand, by comprehensive legislative work and on the other hand by the attempt to work of the past with parliamentary means. Also in relation on the social and political profil the Saxon Parliament differed from the parliaments of the federal states. Possibly half of all later representatives began the political career only in autumn 1989. Indeed with the parliament of the second electoral period an increasing political professionalization occured specific features still continend in the political profile. The self-image of the questioned Saxon representatives corresponded to that of a popular reprensentative of the people, in spite of the high charges by the mandate a positive image up to idealisation of his political profession.

This diploma theses focuses on the possibility of federalization of Ukraine or autonomy of Donbas in order to ensure the stability of Ukrainian political system and societal cohesion. The bases for this is the analysis of the cleavages in both, Ukrainian society and its political space. The analysis is bases on definition of ideological dimensions presented by Arend Lijphart with some modifications with respect to is applicability on Ukrainian situation. This part of the theses therefore analyzes the language and religion questions, issue of foreign policy orientation, democratization and deoligarchization of Ukraine, the support for Ukrainian independence and territorial cohesion or the socioeconomic differences. On the bases of this analysis and the discussion on the advantages and disadvantages of such solutions for divided countries, the final part of the theses discusses the suitability of federalization of Ukraine and the autonomy for Donbas. Attention will be paid also to the question of the conditions for the stable functioning of unitary model in Ukraine. Powered by TCPDF (www.tcpdf.org)

Mit den immensen Aufgaben und Problematiken der Transformation konfrontiert, wechselten die Mehrparteien-Regierungen in Estland vergleichsweise häufig. Im Jahr 2002 war die insgesamt achte Regierung seit 1992 im Amt. Eine detaillierte Untersuchung der Regierungsstabilität am Beispiel von Estlands bis dato sieben Regierungen erscheint daher angebracht, da das Land trotz der häufigen Regierungswechsel im osteuropäischen Vergleich als erfolgreichstes Transformationsland angesehen wird.<br> Kann Regierungsstabilität auch dann vorliegen, wenn die Regierungen selbst sehr häufig wechseln? Dies ist die eigentliche Fragestellung der vorliegenden Diplomarbeit. Es wird davon ausgegangen, dass sich Regierungsstabilität aus mehreren Variablen zusammensetzt, die sich gegenseitig beeinflussen. Angaben über die durchschnittliche Verweildauer einer Regierung im Amt besitzen wenig Aussagekraft, vielmehr müssen die eigentlichen Hintergründe für einen Wechsel beleuchtet werden. / Confronted with the immense tasks and problems of the democratic transition, the multiparty governments of Estonia change comparatively often. Following the elections of March 2003, a new government is being formed: the ninth since 1992. A detailed examination of government stability and the example of Estonia is accordingly warranted, given that the country is seen as the most successful Eastern European transition country in spite of its frequent changes of government.<br> This article asks whether government stability can exist in a case that exhibits frequent changes of government. It is presumed that government stability is composed of various variables influencing one another. Data about the average tenure of a government is not very conclusive. Rather, the deeper political causes for changes of governments need to be examined.

Parliamentary system of government demands parliamentary competent parties. Dissension within parties can block the entire political system; the government cannot rely on its majority and fails in processing its proposals on the agenda of the parliament. From the analytical perspective, inquiry in dissension in the parliamentary majority is one of basic questions. The thesis deals with dissension at the theoretical level. Using the Czech Chamber of Deputies as an example, the thesis conceptualizes forms of dissension (a disapproval of a governmental proposal at the first reading as the absolute dissent). The thesis conducts voting unity tests of Czech political parties that forge government. According to the empirical inquiry, the dissension that leads to the disapproval of governmental proposals stems from the dissent within the political parties, not from the dissent among parties.

The presented thesis deals with the New Right in Germany and its current reception of the Conservative Revolution of the Weimar Republic. The thesis primarily focuses on the German New Right, which it aims to define by its references to ideological and political stances of the right-wing conservative and extremist movement of the Weimar Republic - the Conservative Revolution. Based on a detailed textual analysis of selected articles from the New Right's journal Sezession, the thesis presents the elementary worldviews of the New Right as well as its rhetoric and strategies. Furthermore, it is demonstrated how the New Right perceives the central ideas of the Conservative Revolution (anti- enlightenment, anti-liberalism, anti-democracy, anti-parliamentarism, advocacy of an authoritarian state concept and promotion of a homogenous society) and how it implicitly or explicitly employs these ideas for its argumentation. The thesis proved that the worldviews of the Conservative Revolution nowadays still function as an ideological reservoir of the New Right, meaning also that the New Right is theoretically little innovative and takes over and passes on a large part of the ideas of the intellectuals of the Conservative Revolution, which are currently one hundred years old.