O objetivo da pesquisa é a análise da instalada e crescente crise do Poder Judiciário no Brasil e da reforma que pretende solucioná-la. Diante do exame perfunctório se verifica que a crise não é somente operacional, ocasionada pelo desaparelhamento do Judiciário, pelo processo, suas excessivas formalidades e por outros motivos apontados pelo meio jurídico. Embora presentes, a principal causa é de ordem institucional, pois trata do exercício de um dos três Poderes de Estado, que já não se apresenta em sintonia com a teoria clássica da separação dos poderes do século XVIII, em face da nova sociedade e da decorrente alteração dos fins do Estado. O Poder Judiciário vem evoluindo no sentido de administrar a Justiça e prestar a jurisdição de forma substancial, com base na concretização da Constituição, especialmente dos Direitos Fundamentais, o que leva, pelo menos aparentemente, a ditar o Direito e imiscuir-se na atividade política, em contradição à teoria clássica da separação dos poderes. De outro lado, nosso sistema de governo presidencialista, com a hegemonia do Poder Executivo, depõe contra a independência do Judiciário ao centralizar a cooptação dos componentes da mais Alta Corte e ingerir na formação dos Tribunais Superiores. Agora com a adoção do controle externo do Poder Judiciário, aumenta a concentração de poderes no Executivo, fazendo frente à pletora de competência que a Constituição atribuiu ao Poder Judiciário. A conclusão é de que a perda é da sociedade, com a subversão do regime democrático. A história dos países mais desenvolvidos está a indicar o caminho do consenso, como sendo o de um novo agenciamento de poderes, adotando-se o sistema parlamentarista e um Tribunal Constitucional independente. / The objective of the research is the analysis of the installed and crescent crisis of the Judicial Power in Brazil and the reform that intend to solve it. In front of the perfunctory we verify that the crisis is not just operational, caused by the lack of apparatus of the Judicial, by the process, its excessive formalities or other reasons pointed by the judicial environment. Although present, the main cause is from institutional order, because it’s about the prosecution of one of the three Powers of the State, which already is not shown in sintony with the classic theory of the separation of the powers from the XVII century, in regard to the new society and the current alteration of the finality of the State. The Judicial Power has been developing in the sense of managing the Justice and render the jurisdiction in a substantional way, based on the realization of the Constitution, specially the Fundamental Rights, that takes us, at least apparently, to dictate the Law and insert itself in the political activity, in contradiction to the classic theory of the separation of the Powers. On the other hand, our presidential government system, with the hegemony of the Executive Power, deposes against the independence of the Judicial centralizing the political choice of the components of the Highest Court and ingests the formation of the Superior Courts. Now with the adoption of the external control of the Judicial Power, raises the concentration of the powers in the Executive, initiating the exuberance of competence that the Constitution attributed to the Judicial Power. The conclusion is that the lost is of the society, with the subversion of the democratic regime. The history of the well developed countries is pointing the way of consensus, as been the way of a new placement of the powers, adopting the parliamentary system and a independent Constitutional Court.

O objetivo desta tese é empreender uma investigação sobre padrões de recrutamento legislativo no Brasil. O ponto de partida consistiu de um exame dos dados biográficos dos deputados federais, eleitos ao longo de 14 legislaturas, entre 1946 e 1998. Procurou-se analisar a experiência política adquirida durante a carreira pública prévia e os vínculos de lealdade partidários firmados pelos parlamentares. A proposição que orienta a análise é de que a estrutura de oportunidades para o ingresso e mobilidade na carreira política, ao incrementar os níveis de circulação parlamentar e recrutamento lateral, tem contribuído para inibir a produção de bancadas coesas no Legislativo federal. / The purpose of this thesis is to accomplish a research concerning the legislative patterns of recruitment in Brazil. Departing from an inquiry of biographical data of federal representatives who were elected during 14 legislatures ( 1946/1998), we have attempted to analyse the political experience that the brazilian federal representatives acquire during their public careers as well as their loyalty party links. The premise that guides the analysis is that the estructure of opportunity of ascension in the political careers, provokes high levels of parliamentary turnover and of lateral pattern of recruitment. These characteristcs have inhibited cohesive benches in the Brazilian Congress.

O objetivo da pesquisa é a análise da instalada e crescente crise do Poder Judiciário no Brasil e da reforma que pretende solucioná-la. Diante do exame perfunctório se verifica que a crise não é somente operacional, ocasionada pelo desaparelhamento do Judiciário, pelo processo, suas excessivas formalidades e por outros motivos apontados pelo meio jurídico. Embora presentes, a principal causa é de ordem institucional, pois trata do exercício de um dos três Poderes de Estado, que já não se apresenta em sintonia com a teoria clássica da separação dos poderes do século XVIII, em face da nova sociedade e da decorrente alteração dos fins do Estado. O Poder Judiciário vem evoluindo no sentido de administrar a Justiça e prestar a jurisdição de forma substancial, com base na concretização da Constituição, especialmente dos Direitos Fundamentais, o que leva, pelo menos aparentemente, a ditar o Direito e imiscuir-se na atividade política, em contradição à teoria clássica da separação dos poderes. De outro lado, nosso sistema de governo presidencialista, com a hegemonia do Poder Executivo, depõe contra a independência do Judiciário ao centralizar a cooptação dos componentes da mais Alta Corte e ingerir na formação dos Tribunais Superiores. Agora com a adoção do controle externo do Poder Judiciário, aumenta a concentração de poderes no Executivo, fazendo frente à pletora de competência que a Constituição atribuiu ao Poder Judiciário. A conclusão é de que a perda é da sociedade, com a subversão do regime democrático. A história dos países mais desenvolvidos está a indicar o caminho do consenso, como sendo o de um novo agenciamento de poderes, adotando-se o sistema parlamentarista e um Tribunal Constitucional independente. / The objective of the research is the analysis of the installed and crescent crisis of the Judicial Power in Brazil and the reform that intend to solve it. In front of the perfunctory we verify that the crisis is not just operational, caused by the lack of apparatus of the Judicial, by the process, its excessive formalities or other reasons pointed by the judicial environment. Although present, the main cause is from institutional order, because it’s about the prosecution of one of the three Powers of the State, which already is not shown in sintony with the classic theory of the separation of the powers from the XVII century, in regard to the new society and the current alteration of the finality of the State. The Judicial Power has been developing in the sense of managing the Justice and render the jurisdiction in a substantional way, based on the realization of the Constitution, specially the Fundamental Rights, that takes us, at least apparently, to dictate the Law and insert itself in the political activity, in contradiction to the classic theory of the separation of the Powers. On the other hand, our presidential government system, with the hegemony of the Executive Power, deposes against the independence of the Judicial centralizing the political choice of the components of the Highest Court and ingests the formation of the Superior Courts. Now with the adoption of the external control of the Judicial Power, raises the concentration of the powers in the Executive, initiating the exuberance of competence that the Constitution attributed to the Judicial Power. The conclusion is that the lost is of the society, with the subversion of the democratic regime. The history of the well developed countries is pointing the way of consensus, as been the way of a new placement of the powers, adopting the parliamentary system and a independent Constitutional Court.

O objetivo desta tese é empreender uma investigação sobre padrões de recrutamento legislativo no Brasil. O ponto de partida consistiu de um exame dos dados biográficos dos deputados federais, eleitos ao longo de 14 legislaturas, entre 1946 e 1998. Procurou-se analisar a experiência política adquirida durante a carreira pública prévia e os vínculos de lealdade partidários firmados pelos parlamentares. A proposição que orienta a análise é de que a estrutura de oportunidades para o ingresso e mobilidade na carreira política, ao incrementar os níveis de circulação parlamentar e recrutamento lateral, tem contribuído para inibir a produção de bancadas coesas no Legislativo federal. / The purpose of this thesis is to accomplish a research concerning the legislative patterns of recruitment in Brazil. Departing from an inquiry of biographical data of federal representatives who were elected during 14 legislatures ( 1946/1998), we have attempted to analyse the political experience that the brazilian federal representatives acquire during their public careers as well as their loyalty party links. The premise that guides the analysis is that the estructure of opportunity of ascension in the political careers, provokes high levels of parliamentary turnover and of lateral pattern of recruitment. These characteristcs have inhibited cohesive benches in the Brazilian Congress.

For the last two decades Sweden has been one of the most important receiving countries for asylum seekers, hence regarding itself as a “humanitarian superpower”. Historically Sweden has had one of Europe’s most extensive migration policies and made its latest mark by 2015 by allowing the highest number of asylum seekers ever to the country. The media coverage and the public debate on the war refugee migration to Sweden has been comprehensive and thereby put the topic of migration in the centre of parliamentary discussions. The aim of this study was to examine if and how migration has been a subject of securitization in the parliamentary debates. The study was conducted by using a qualitative text analysis of parliament protocols from 2013–2015. The results show that during the period of study a number of parties have made securitising statements regarding migration, but that the subject of migration was securitized first in 2015 when the securitising problem formulation was adopted by a majority in the parliament. I have also concluded that there has been a slight change in the way in which migration is securitized. In 2013–2014 the majority of the parliament parties used the diffuse securitising technique when debating migration, while in 2015 there was a shift towards the exceptionalist securitising technique.

No abstract available. / Dissertation (LLM)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / gm2014 / Centre for Human Rights / unrestricted

"This study is predicated on a strong belief that the gender make-up of African parliamnets must relfect the gender demographics of African states. It is only when that is achieved that the concepts of equality, non-discrimination and democracy can gain their true meaning. As a departure point, the study makes a case that statistically women are under-represented across the overwhelming majority of African parliaments. The study asserts that the under-representation is prevalent amid the existence of international, regional and domestic instruments, all providing for women's right to representation in decision-making processes. Thus, the study demonstrates that there is a gap between de jure and de facto representation. The study then argues that the convoluted ideology of patriarchy, sacrosanct cultures, inviolable religions, the constructed public/private dichotomy, low levels of education, and the negative impact of globalisation all act in concert to deny African women their rightful place in decision-making institutions, particluarly parliaments. In a bid to investigate how this can be reserved, the study explores the Rwandan and South African models for purposes of gaining insights on how they have contrived to reach and surpass the critical mass of women in their parliaments. These two models demonstrate that a combination of temporary special measures and gender mainstreaming are effective tools for emancipating women and ensuring their representation in parliaments. These have to be buttressed by strong legal and institutioanl frameworks, which operate in a conducive socio-political environment." -- Abstract. / Thesis (LLM (Human Rights and Democratisation in Africa)) -- University of Pretoria, 2006. / Prepared under the supervision of Dr. Ben Twinomugisha at the Human Rights and Peace Centre (HURIPEC), Makerere University, Faculty of Law, Kampala, Uganda / http://www.chr.up.ac.za/academic_pro/llm1/dissertations.html / Centre for Human Rights / LLM

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(in English): [The thesis is focused on communications of the Czech and Slovak parliamentary political parties via Internet based social network Facebook. Thesis' primary research goal is to provide the comparative analysis of the selected political parties' approaches towards their communication activities on Facebook platform during the selected periods of time in 2015. Moreover, the portfolio of the qualitative and quantitative indicators was defined in order to evaluate the ways of communication of the selected political parties in detail. Following the complex portfolio of the indicators, the thesis brings the definition of the communication trends and identifies the main communication differences between the Czech and Slovak political parties on Facebook too. Trends analysis is based on national and transnational perspective. Secondary, the thesis describes the theoretical definition framework and the development of the digital communication discipline in general, while focusing on its reflection in modern political communication area at the same time.]

The aim of this thesis is an analysis of activities of the Parliamentary Institute (PI) which serves as an expert base for the Parliament of the Czech Republic. The Parliamentary Institute resolves the tasks of scientific, informative and educational nature for the Chamber of Deputies as well as the Senate. The PI originated from an initiative of deputies who lacked apolitical and unbiased information of a professional nature in the early 1990s. Nevertheless, the need for objective information persists to this day. The importance of the PI thus lies primarily in the fact that it enables legislators to create good quality laws and control the executive by providing them with the specific unbiased information. The text focuses on the establishment, development, structure, functions and outputs of the institute.