Based on the model of Perceptions of Organizational Politics by Ferris, Russ and Fandtand (1989), this study tries to understand, through ¡§party identification¡¨ as a moderator variable, whether party identification in practical politics has a managerial insight in organizational politics. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to examine the relationship between perceptions of organizational politics and organizational commitment, as well as whether party identification has a moderating effect. Data for this study is drawn from the secondary data, 1632 sample size collected by Dr. Chin-ming Ho and his research team throughout 2002. It is found using the multivariate analysis 1) perceptions of organizational politics are negatively associated with organizational commitment, 2) perceptions of organizational politics are negatively associated with normative commitment, 3) perceptions of organizational politics are negatively associated with affective commitment, 4) perceptions of organizational politics are partially positively associated with continuance commitment 5) perceptions of organizational politics have a significant effect on organizational commitment in every dimension, 6) party identification has no significant differences in perceptions of organizational politics and organizational commitment, 7) party identification has a moderating effect on perceptions of organizational politics and organizational commitment; namely, the difference of party identification has a significant effect on perceptions of organizational politics and organizational commitment.

<p> </p><p>Det talas idag om ett minskat stöd och identifikation till politiska partier. Forskning visar att unga människor spenderar mer tid och är mer benägna än äldre att använda Internet för att skaffa politisk information. I en enkätundersökning med 125 deltagare i fyra åldersgrupper undersöktes om unga i större utsträckning än äldre identifierar sig med icke-parlamentariska rörelser som för fram sina budskap på Internet. Hos deltagarna mättes graden av parlamentarisk och icke-parlamentarisk identifikation som funktion av ålder och Internettid. Unga hade en signifikant högre Internettid än äldre. Dock påvisades inga andra signifikanta skillnader mellan åldersgrupperna avseende identifikation. Området kring Internetmediet och dess effekt på politisk identifikation förefaller vara relativt begränsad, varför det skulle vara intressant att utveckla denna forskning i Sverige</p>

Det talas idag om ett minskat stöd och identifikation till politiska partier. Forskning visar att unga människor spenderar mer tid och är mer benägna än äldre att använda Internet för att skaffa politisk information. I en enkätundersökning med 125 deltagare i fyra åldersgrupper undersöktes om unga i större utsträckning än äldre identifierar sig med icke-parlamentariska rörelser som för fram sina budskap på Internet. Hos deltagarna mättes graden av parlamentarisk och icke-parlamentarisk identifikation som funktion av ålder och Internettid. Unga hade en signifikant högre Internettid än äldre. Dock påvisades inga andra signifikanta skillnader mellan åldersgrupperna avseende identifikation. Området kring Internetmediet och dess effekt på politisk identifikation förefaller vara relativt begränsad, varför det skulle vara intressant att utveckla denna forskning i Sverige

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The study of practical politics always involves parties, ethnics, electoral structure as well as election. Likewise, the study of organizational politics is mainly related to organizational members, job environment, organizational factors and effects on performances. Few studies have ever focused on analyzing the association between practical politics and organizational politics. Accordingly, the purpose of this study is to examine whether there exists a difference between perceptions of organizational politics and organizational citizenship behaviors while practical politics is interwoven with organizational politics. This study also addresses whether the effect of perceptions of organizational politics on organizational citizenship behaviors will vary with party identification. Data for this study is drawn from the secondary data, 1632 sample size collected by Dr. Chin-ming Ho and his research team throughout 2002. It is found using the univariate analysis 1) that party identification has no significant effect on perceptions of organizational politics, 2) that part identification had significant differences in the dimension of ¡§interpersonal harmony¡¨ and ¡§protecting company resources¡¨ among organizational citizenship behaviors, and KMT-prone respondents were more significant than no-specific-party respondents, 3) that party identification showed significant differences in the dimensions of perceptions of organizational politics and organizational citizenship behaviors, 4) that the effects of party identification on the dimensions of organizational citizenship behaviors were different after perceiving organizational politics; that is, DPP & TSU -prone respondents showed great effects in the dimension of ¡§interpersonal harmony¡¨, as well as KMT & PFP -prone and no-specific-party respondents had significant effects in the dimensions of ¡§protecting company resources¡¨ and ¡§conscientiousness¡¨, and 5) that perceptions of organizational politics among respondents with different party identification had significant effects on organizational citizenship behaviors. To sum up, organizational citizenship behaviors of KMT-prone respondents were influenced less by perceptions of organizational politics, while no-specific-party respondents were influenced more by perceptions of organizational politics.

A democratic system is stable or not relies on the political attitudes of the citizen. It is not enough to rely just on establishment of political system. More important is winning the support and trust of the general public. The trust on general public is the basis of legitimacy of ruling and it represents the level of trust of the general public to the government officials and public policy. The political trust refers to the attitudes of individual toward government official, decision of government, political figure, political phenomenon, and political code, political system as well as political structure. Whether people trust administration officials and public policy determines the level of support of people offered to present administration. In this paper, we adopted interview data in the project of ¡§Taiwan¡¦s Election and Democratization Study, 2003¡¨ in the effort to find out the difference in party identification, media contact and political knowledge based on individual background data and what are the connections between the above variables in one hand and the political trust provided to government agency and political figures on the other hand, and from which, it is hoped to find out the connection between political trust of general public of Taiwan and various factors, so as to provide governing agencies and political trust for reference in winning trust of the general public and the direction to endeavor. It is also hoped that the democratic politics of Taiwan will be more matured and secured.

Abstract Election to provide opportunities and pipelines for political participation, related to the development of political system and the implementation of democratic politics, the regime is peaceful, orderly transfer of tools, is also an important democratic process, which is a democratic country to maintain political legitimacy of the main Methods, but also non-democratic countries in transition towards a democratic system of government an important mechanism, and voting is the most popular political participation of citizens, the most common, is also close to the general public most likely a form of participation. The study use the visit information of Taiwan elections and democratization investigation in 2006 that relating to Kaohsiung Mayor election survey data, in order to investigate factors influencing the choice of the voters from the social psychology study ways to survey the Michigan Model in party Identification, candidate evaluation, campaign issues and other variables in the voting model of the importance. Finally, we attempt to identify influencing the choice of Kaohsiung people to vote deciding factor. This study showed that, the five social background of voters (including the gender, age, ethnic group, educational level, families income) and party Identification, candidate evaluation, campaign issues, ethnic identity, these five variables and four intermediate variables were significantly associated. Particularly, the ethnic identity is a very important effect and these four intermediary variables also have very significant influence for choice of the voters voting. Polynomial logistic regression was used to establish the simple and complete model in order to check variables and intermediary variables between the relations of voter choice. In simple model was found that party Identification, the five candidate evaluation and the three campaign issues affect the voters choice definitely, especially the party Identification, the relatively reliable in the candidate evaluation and the remedial for the Love River, the completion of Singuang Ferry Wharf in the campaign issues, but to understand that ethnic identity with regard to the voters intention was not significant affects. In complete model showed that the nine variables (including the age, ethnic group, educational level, families income and the party identification, more ability to work, to understand that the people demand, relatively reliable, the most enthusiastic service to the people, remedial for the Love River, the completion of Singuang Ferry Wharf and the incident of walking fees) affect the voting choice of the voters. In particular, age, party identification, have more ability to work, relatively reliable, remedial for the Love River, the completion of Singuang Ferry Wharf were the most important explanatory variables and have significant relevance to the election with the support of the mayor candidates. Party Identification, candidate evaluation, campaign issues, and the ethnic identity of these four variables is a pretty good model that ability to explain the voting behavior. Key words: Voting choice, Party Identification, Candidate evaluation, Campaign issues, Ethnic identity

This research explores whether ¡§party identification, candidate orientation, ethnic identification and issue orientation,¡¨ the four intermediate variables of election, are correlated to the results of Taipei mayor elections in 2002 and 2006. The data in this research are mainly based on the interview broadly carried out to collect facts for ¡§the study on democratization through election¡¨ executed by Professors Huang Chi and Huang Siu-Twen in 2002 and 2005. It is with these data that this research compares the voting behavior of the voters in the two mayor elections in an attempt to find out the deviation of election for further studies. Each individual voter has of his own a variety of social backgrounds which inevitably form to some extent a connection with each of the four intermediate variables. In examination of the connection just mentioned, it is obvious that of all the voter¡¦s backgrounds the place of birth is probably the most potential and influential, and has a significant connection with each of the four factors. However, an evaluation of the connection between the voting preference and the four factors indicates that the four factors are apparently convincing in justification of the results of the second Taipei mayor election in 2006. In addition, a detailed analysis of the connections between voter¡¦s social backgrounds and his voting preference shows that the voter¡¦s place of birth plays an important role in making his voting preference. Other social backgrounds except the voter¡¦s educational level are slightly related to the voting preference in the Taipei mayor election in 2006. Based on the analysis mentioned above, it is understood that there are many variables which will influence the voting preference. Of all the intermediate variables, however, the four factors of party identification candidate orientation ethnic identification and issue orientation are perhaps most crucial and decisive. By means of the analysis and evaluation of the four factors functioning in the recent elections, it is discovered that the people here in Taiwan are relatively better educated and have made a tremendous progress in democracy. It seems that Taiwan has already developed into a nation of two-party politics.

One of the main goals for political parties is to attract as many voters as possible. The competition for voters among the parties is especially relevant in a multiparty system. A voter in such a system may choose between several parties and can order them in any way he or she pleases. Thus, the voter has an order of party preferences. In this thesis, I argue that differences in a voters’ first and second preference order can be used as a resource to discover unique patterns in the voters’ party identification. To address this conjecture, I have used the Super-Riks-SOM dataset to study such patterns between the years 2005, 2011 and 2013. The results show that along the points of measure, the Swedish voter has become less willing to vote for the middle parties. Hence, the pattern indicates that the party identification in the second preferences is more balanced in 2013 than in 2005.

The dissertation seeks to meld the two dominant competing theories of party identifi?cation in the US context: the expressive view, where Party ID is seen as a long standing psychological attachment to a political party; and the instrumental view, where Party ID is subject to reevaluation. Using ANES panel data, the paper examines both expressive and instrumental elements of partisanship. In keeping with past research, it finds strong evidence for the expressive understanding of Party ID; partisan groupings tend to be highly stable. However, the strength of identifications varies considerably over time, with perceptions of candidates, presidential approval, policy preferences, and ideological orientations driving these changes. These results are in keeping with an instrumental conceptualization of partisan identities.