While there exists a considerable body of literature on the development of UN peace operations: from traditional peacekeeping operations to today’s robust enforcement missions; scrutinizing their efficiency and the challenges they face – little attention has been paid to why various levels of military action are used by a mission. This study addresses this research gap by comparing three UN enforcement operations: MONUSCO in the Democratic Republic of Congo, UNMISS in South Sudan, and MINUSMA in Mali. This study specifically investigates how the level of hostility in the conflict and commitment from the troop-contributing countries affect the level of enforcement actions taken in each conflict. The arguments are tested using a Structured Focused Comparison. The study finds that increased levels of hostility generated an increase in the level of enforcement in all three cases studied, while the level of commitment did not have the same distinct effect.

This research explores developments within the United Nations that have led to the creation of the Forward Intervention Brigade (FIB). It will consider the political, legal, economic, and ethical issues surrounding armed defensive-intervention during humanitarian crises. Topics explored include the effectiveness of armed intervention during crises and ethics concerning the use of arms when intervening for humanitarian or peacemaking purposes. How success and failure is being defined and the current status of the mission will be discussed. The question of the possible costs of non-intervention is raised. This case example is linked to the failure of the UN to effectively respond to the genocide that occurred in Rwanda in 1994 and the subsequent cost of that failure. The development of powers within the UN is considered in terms of the creation of this armed force, as are the ways this may impact the interpretation of international law regarding armed intervention.

This thesis studies the peacekeeping, peace enforcement and peace-building efforts undertaken by the United Nations (UN) in the Congo. Part one investigates the UN mission in Congo 1960 to 1964 and the second part looks at the current mission that started in 1999 which is currently ongoing. The final part makes a comparative analysis of the two case studies. Peacekeeping, peace enforcement and peace-building are some of the approaches the UN uses in order to manage and settle conflict. While these concepts are often related to one another, they possess certain characteristics making them distinguishable. I solemnly use these concepts when conducting the two case studies and the comparative analysis. I study the mandates as well as the activities in the field. My main argument is that while the mandates differed between the two peace operations, the actual activities in the field shared many common features. I will show that the first peace operation in the Congo deviated from all others undertaken by the UN thus far. The Congo crisis in the sixties took place at the height of the Cold War. What commenced as a traditional peacekeeping operation eventually turned into a mission of peace enforcement. These enforcement measures were never supported by a Chapter VII mandate. There were also elements of peace-building efforts such as trying to install functioning governmental institutions. As such, it deviated from other peace operations during that time. Although these are considered as pioneering for many current peacebuilding missions, they cannot be considered as broad as today’s efforts. The current peace operation in Congo also started as a peacekeeping operation. As the conflict escalated, a Chapter VII mandate was provided to use force. Similarly to the peace operation during the Cold War, it also went from a peacekeeping operation to one of peace enforcement. However, the ongoing peace operation is provided with much clearer and less arbitrary mandates. The peace-building efforts are also much broader. Central to the mission is to aid in the implementation of a democratic system that will survive once the peace operation has ended. These forms of efforts are quite typical since the end of the Cold War.

Since 1991, NATO has played a prominent role in peacekeeping and peace enforcement in the Balkans and Afghanistan. Despite NATO’s role in peacekeeping, there is little literature that compares the efficacy of NATO and UN peace enforcement operations. However, some existing literature suggests that NATO peacekeepers should be able to use coercion more effectively than UN peacekeepers, whereas UN peacekeepers should be to use inducement and persuasion more effectively than NATO peacekeepers. This paper uses a small-N most similar case design and the process tracing method to investigate how effective NATO peace enforcement is at reducing war intensity compared to UN peace enforcement. This paper also studies how NATO and UN peacekeepers use coercion, inducement and persuasion to reduce war intensity during peace enforcement operations. Based on a case study comparing the NATO IFOR operation in Bosnia to the UN UNOSOM II operation Somalia, this paper finds that NATO peace enforcement operations reduce war intensity to a greater degree than UN peace enforcement operations. Furthermore, this paper also finds that NATO peacekeepers use coercion, inducement and persuasion more effectively than UN peacekeepers.

The United Nations has a long history of peacekeeping missions. These have evolved over time but since the end of the Cold War there has been rapid growth in those missions where the remit placed on the peacekeepers, both military and civilian, is more complex and demanding. In trying to define these missions and their mandates a wide range of terminology has been developed in an effort to describe the exact nature of the mission. Since many of these deployments take place into theatres where there is no peace to keep, or where a fragile peace reverts to a conflict situation such tight definitions often lead to the troops involved no longer having an appropriate mandate. More recently some of these larger missions constitute in fact interventions to impose peace. Attempts to find a `peace¿ classification for such deployments often confuse the issue rather than bring clarity. In reality these missions are not peacekeeping at all. The almost forgotten doctrine, principles and practices of Counterinsurgency provide a better framework for defining these missions, the respective roles of the key players and the factors necessary to bring success.

The complementarity regime created by the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court (ICC) marked a radical departure for international criminal justice. It represented a significant break with the Westphalian state system of national sovereignty and a step towards a regime of global governance based on the rule of law. The ICC is rooted in a Kantian notion of cosmopolitan justice where there is a need for a response to state failures to eliminate gross human rights violations. However, it has also been seen as a post-colonial court representing the hegemony of western justice and western authority over local traditions, particularly in the Islamic world. The operation of the operation of the complementarity regime does not reflect all types of juridical traditions and is therefore viewed with suspicion by nations with different criminal justice ideologies and policies. This thesis examines the practical and moral legitimacy of the complementarity regime of the ICC from two possible perspectives, both of which in their different ways support the idea of universal jurisdiction. Kant's moral philosophy represents the western justification for the regime, whereas the tradition of Islamic Shari'a epitomises the potential resistance from the developing world. Through an analysis of the exercise of prosecutorial discretion under the complementarity regime in relation to the Ituri region of the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and the Darfur situation in Sudan, the thesis examines both the logistics of the decision-making in these cases, as well as the moral justifications for intervention. The fieldwork included a six month programme of participant observation and interviewing in the Office of the ICC Prosecutor in The Hague. The ICC is an independent court with a global jurisdiction which grants the Prosecutor a broad discretion to apply the complementarity regime to meet the expectations of the entire international community, regardless of the status, national origin or state citizenship of the accused. This thesis argues that a careful consideration of the moral case for the exercise of authority under the complementarity regime is important and depends upon an understanding of the inherent differences between the Rome Statute and national justice systems. The research highlights the fact that moral obligations do not end at national borders. It asserts that a credible complementarity mechanism requires the effective prosecution of international crimes in a manner which is legitimate in terms of local culture and traditions. Otherwise, as the research demonstrates, the Court will enjoy little support, particularly as enforcement has so far focused only on Islamic or less developed countries.

Protecting human rights is the core mission of the UN, yet peacekeepers commit human rights violations, including sexual violence, during missions. While the literature has focused on qualitative research to assess the factors that make sexual exploitation and abuse occur, few studies have looked at it from a quantitative approach, and none have looked at the effect of the mission mandate. Doing so allows me to gain a more rigorous and evidence-based understanding of the relationship between the variables. The data comes from the Conduct of UN Field Missions from 2010 until 2019, focusing only on UN peace missions. Using this dataset, this study will be the first statistical study to explore the effects of a specific mission mandate, peace enforcement, on the occurrence of sexual violence committed by peacekeepers. The logistic regression finds support that the number of military troops deployed increases the odds of observing SEA reports. With the ZINB model, I find marginal evidence that missions with peace enforcement mandates are associated with increased SEA reports. Both predictor variables are significant when including a lead variable for the number of reports. While these results show some patterns in the data, further research is needed to investigate the relationships deeper.

Since the end of the Cold War, political and geographical realities have changed considerably. One such reality was the balance of power between East and West, which was especially visible in Europe. The contest between rivals, the Warsaw Pact and the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation (NATO), was over. Ultimately, NATO found itself the pre-eminent security organisation in Europe. The new post-cold war environment forced questions about the appropriate role for NATO. However, that changed with both the process of NATO expansion into former Warsaw pact countries and the ethnic conflicts throughout the former Yugoslavia. NATO found a new purpose during the violent dissolution of Yugoslavia as ‘peace-enforcer’ in the Balkan region. The focus of this thesis is NATO’s role in peace-enforcement in the former Yugoslavia. It examines how NATO dealt with the end of the Cold War and the collapse of the Warsaw Pact. Specifically, how NATO managed to re-establish its relevance as a security organisation. NATO’s military intervention in Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo were crucial in securing the end of hostilities in both those regions. NATO’s Implementation Force (IFOR), Stabilisation Force (SFOR) and Kosovo Force (KFOR) all played significant roles in subsequent peace-enforcement and peace-building roles in the region by suppressing violence through power projection and institution building. In 2001, NATO undertook a third operation in the Balkans, that time of a more limited nature, disarming ethnic Albanians in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia. NATO’s presence there also encouraged stability. This thesis argues that, ultimately, NATO maintained its relevance by the establishing a new role for itself after the Cold War through Eastward expansion and in suppressing ethnic conflict in the Balkans. Both these roles have been successful. The decisive interventions in Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo and FYROM forced the belligerents to stop fighting. NATO’s subsequent enforcement of the peace has stopped each conflict from flaring up again. With NATO membership now including most of Europe, it remains the only viable security organisation on the continent. NATO’s effectiveness as a security organisation was demonstrated with its ability to end the conflict in the Balkans and providing a stable environment for the people of the region. This intervention was crucial to the definition of a new role for NATO in the post-Cold War world. / http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1320482 / Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics 2008

United Nations Peacekeeping has proven to be remarkably effective at reducing violence against civilians - without using compellent force. A recent turn towards peace enforcement raises the questions: Does the use of force within a peace enforcement mandate affect the use of violence against civilians by an armed group? If this is the case, by what mechanism does this effect occur? This thesis provides two novel explanations on how the use of force by peacekeepers could affect violence against civilians by the targeted armed group. One predicts decreased- and the other one increased levels of violence. These explanations are tested on the Force Intervention Brigade, which was deployed to the Democratic Republic of the Congo in 2013. A most similar comparison between the three most powerful armed groups in North Kivu at the time is drawn and examined with the method of structured focussed comparison. The most similar comparison does not reveal a clear correlation. Yet, temporal order as well as anecdotal evidence give tentative support for the main argument of the thesis. It suggests that compellent force against an armed group leads to strengthened deterrence and physical separation, which ultimately results in fewer civilian targeting.

yes / The NLW database illustrates the extensive and eclectic literature regarding NLWs which covers the last few decades. It currently contains over 250 entries. It is important to have access not only to the more recent material, but also to earlier sources since many of the general debates and controversies have already been rehearsed, and lessons learnt from them are still relevant today. Yet, it is also vital to follow new developments of NLWs closely because rapidly changing technology is producing weapons whose implications for integration into military and civil police forces have yet to be clearly defined and understood. Of particular interest are not only NLW applications for war fighting, but opportunities for deployment in peace enforcement and peace keeping missions. These technologies span many bases including: psycho-chemicals; unmanned weapons platforms and delivery systems; biogenetics; acoustic and microwave weapons; biological and chemical weapons; laser systems; kinetic energy ballistics; dual purpose (lethal/non-lethal) weapons; and, sprays and foams which inhibit movement. The database will keep up to date on these developments and future reports will highlight new issues and debates surrounding them. With these rapid technological advances come a series of associated dangers and concerns including: the ethics of use; implications for weapons control and disarmament treaties; military doctrine; public accountability and guidelines; dangers of misuse and proliferation; and, research and development strategies. Using the database, and drawing from military and non-military sources, this report will select the main current issues and debates within the non-lethal community. Bearing in mind that many operations undertaken by military forces are now more akin to policing actions (such as peace support operations) there are lessons to be learnt by military units from civil police experience. There still remains a tension between perceived benign and malign intent both in NLW operational use and non-lethal research and development.