The main concern of this thesis is the development of political and economic relations between the PRC and the KSA. The relations that officially developed after the establishment of diplomatic relations are the focus of analysis of the thesis. By examining the historical and statistical data, the thesis assesses the factors that have cultivated and maintained the Sino-Saudi political and economic relations, as well as the implications of these bilateral links. In analysing the relations, a theoretical conception of complex interdependence has been used. The thesis first provides background on China’s policy towards the superpowers and the Middle Eastern countries between 1949 and 1989, and looks at how China and Saudi Arabia related to each other over this period. The thesis then argues that over the first decade (1990-2000) of Sino-Saudi diplomatic relations, the two countries began to lay the basis for complex interdependence between them. It highlights a number of characteristics of complex interdependence which came to exist. The thesis then goes on to examine whether, in the second decade (2001-2010) of bilateral relations, an intensification of complex interdependence ensued. The complex interdependence approach links closely with constructivist theory in terms of how this thesis is conceived. The thesis argues that China and Saudi Arabia between 1949 and 1977 shared an understanding that their ideological positions made official links between them impossible. Over the course of the following twelve years, this understanding gradually changed. The change laid the basis for the development of diplomatic relations in 1990. In the years between 1990 and 2010, the policy responses of China and Saudi Arabia to major regional events exhibited a commonality of perception. This underpinned the development of the relationship. To identify clearly the growth of Sino-Saudi relations, the thesis is divided into three time periods: 1949-89; 1990-2000; and 2001-10. The time period 1949-89 has three distinct phases: 1949-65; 1966-77; and 1978-89. The 1949-65 and 1966-97 periods are characterised by the absence of state-to-state relations between the PRC and the KSA. However, unofficial contact between Muslims on mainland China and Saudi officials and leaders was established and largely maintained. State-to-state contact only existed between the KSA and ROC governments, which shared broadly anti-Communist sentiments. During the 1978-89 phase, hope for the establishment of diplomatic relations between the PRC and the KSA was high. Some intergovernmental contact was initiated, direct communications between the leaders of the two countries were enhanced, and a joint endeavour towards the development of diplomatic ties was pursued. The 1988 missile deal smoothly accelerated the process of developing these ties. In the 1990-2000 phase, four decades after the establishment of the PRC, Sino-Saudi diplomatic relations were established. The establishment of these diplomatic relations was daunting for the ROC, which wanted to preserve the diplomatic recognition that the KSA had granted it for the preceding 45 years. The strenuous efforts of the ROC to prevent a dramatic shift of diplomatic recognition to mainland China were in vain. The 1990-2000 phase was marked by significant growth in the newly established Riyadh-Beijing diplomatic relationship. Economic interests were at the heart of the agendas of the leaders and officials of the two countries. They began to enhance co-operation and to sign agreements related to various aspects of their bilateral relations. A Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) on Oil Co-operation was concluded in 1999. The value of Sino-Saudi total trade rose by 643 percent between 1990 and 2000 and the volume of Saudi oil exports to China increased by 6,721 percent between 1991 and 2000. After nearly ten years official diplomatic relations were established, President Jiang Zemin viewed the development of bilateral relations as impressive, while Crown Prince Abdullah seemed to suggest that there was now “an intimate relationship” between the two countries, saying that he considered the PRC to be the KSA’s closest friend. The period 2001-10 is also sub-divided into two phases: 2001-05 and 2006-10. This period exhibits the three characteristics of complex interdependence that Keohane and Nye (2000) put forward in their scholarly work: multiple channels, the minimal role of military force, and the absence of a hierarchy of issues. Security issues were largely excluded from Sino-Saudi bilateral relations, while economic interests dominated the agendas of the two countries. In the first phase (2001-05), high-level officials continued to play a leading role in bilateral economic relations. They consistently called for the participation of the private sector in expanding Riyadh-Beijing economic ties. The value of Sino-Saudi total trade continued to climb, reaching USD16.1bn in 2005, and the PRC’s oil imports from the KSA reached 22.2 million tonnes in the same year. Some joint investment projects that involved the participation of Chinese and Saudi companies in the hydrocarbons sector were successful. With regard to the construction industry, Chinese companies won four construction projects from the Saudi Arabian cement industry. The second phase (2006-10) was marked by substantial advancement in Sino-Saudi relations. Following the exchange visits of the state leaders in 2006, bilateral contacts expanded rapidly. The visits led to the formulation of more strategies, with the intention of cementing the relationship, increasing contact and concluding more agreements. The Chinese leaders called for “strategic co-operation”, “a friendly and co-operative strategic partnership”, and “strategic friendly relations”, specifically referring to economic co-operation. This second phase saw Sino-Saudi total trade increase to USD 33bn in 2009, and the volume of PRC oil imports from the KSA reached a peak of 41.8million barrels in the same year. With regard to the hydrocarbons joint ventures, in which investments were jointly made by Saudi ARAMCO and Sinopec, the projects in Quanzhou and Rub’ Al-Khali were good examples of the strong co-operation between PRC and KSA companies. The Quanzhou plant launched operation in 2009, and the gas-exploration project in Rub’Al-Khali engaged in drilling for another three years (its operation began in 2004). The achievement of SINOPEC SABIC Tianjin Petrochemical Co., Ltd, as part of the Tianjin petrochemical project, is another example of such co-operation. In non-hydrocarbons joint ventures, mutual investment increased exponentially, particularly in the mining sector.

Outer Edges of the Middle Kingdom is a narrative by the author about his two years as a teacher in the People's Republic of China. Organized chronologically, the account begins in August, 1985, and ends in June, 1987. The narrator describes meeting students at Tianjin University, Tianjin, China, designing English classes for English majors, daily episodes in the classroom, and interaction with Chinese colleagues. The narrative alternates between life on a university campus and extensive trips the narrator made to various cities in China, including Beijing, Shanghai, Chengdu, Kunming, Guilin, Harbin, Hohot, and Guangzhou. Also recounted are the narrator's reactions to the student demonstrations of December, 1986, and the resulting anti-bourgeois liberation campaign of January-April, 1987.

Approved for public release; distribution in unlimited. / Since the end of the Cold War, the principle naval powers of East Asia--China, Japan, and the Republic of Korea --have increased the importance they attach to their maritime strategies relative to the changing situation in East Asia and adjoining waters. With the growing reliance on each of these countries on seaborne trade and supply of resources, including oil, the countries' maritime defense policies, including the sea lanes of communications (SLOCs), are more important than ever. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the maritime visions of these three countries, the changing maritime security environment they address the maritime territorial disputes, in which they are engaged and the potential for a naval arms race in East Asia. It assesses the impact of Korean reunification and Chinese reunification on their maritime strategies and prospects for a regional multilateral maritime security regime. This thesis emphasizes the importance of the U.S. Navy's forward presence in stabilizing potential problems at sea in East Asia. / Lieutenant, United States Navy

O objetivo do presente trabalho é buscar elementos para se analisar as relações interestreito de Taiwan, a partir da experiência histórica, processos políticos, dados econômicos e estudos securitários. O trabalho está estruturado em cinco seções: uma introdução, três capítulos de desenvolvimento e a conclusão. O primeiro capítulo procurou desenvolver uma perspectiva tanto sincrônica quanto diacrônica, relacionando o efeito da Guerra da Coreia sobre as relações interestreito naquele período. Entende-se que, ainda hoje, as relações interestreito são fortemente influenciadas por aquela conflagração, e, dada a precariedade do armistício, pela mera possibilidade da eclosão de um novo conflito armado na Península. O segundo capítulo foca-se no sistema político taiwanês e sua interface com as relações interestreito, estudandose, dentro das fontes que se pôde inventariar, a evolução do processo político e da construção de Estado em Taiwan. No terceiro capítulo, buscou-se chegar a um meio termo entre as duas perspectivas, enfocando-se a relação interestreito a partir de uma ótica regional. Especificamente, analisam-se o cenário político e estratégico pós-Guerra Fria na Ásia Oriental; o enfraquecimento da integração e o novo quadro estratégico na Ásia Oriental; e a reorientação da estratégia militar dos Estados Unidos, da China e do Japão, procurando-se relacioná-las à questão de Taiwan. Como conclusão, teve de se constatar o predomínio dos constrangimentos sistêmicos – não apenas sobre as políticas nacionais, mas sobre a própria região – no condicionamento das relações interestreito. Entendeu-se que a pouca previsibilidade da evolução desse relacionamento deve-se, em grande medida, ao caráter até certo ponto anormal da passagem da unipolaridade à multipolaridade. / The objective of this study is to find elements to analyze the Taiwan’s cross-strait relations, from the historical experience, political processes, economic data and International Security Studies. The work is divided into five sections: an introduction, three chapters of development and conclusion. The first chapter has sought to develop a perspective both synchronic as diachronic, relating the Korean War's effect on cross-strait relations in that period. It is understood that, even today, cross-strait relations are strongly influenced by that conflagration, and, given the precariousness of the armistice, the mere possibility of the outbreak of a new armed conflict on the peninsula. The second chapter focuses on the Taiwanese political system and its interface with the cross-strait relations, studying, inside sources that could inventorying, the evolution of the political process and the construction of state in Taiwan. In the third chapter, we sought to reach a compromise between the two perspectives, focusing to cross-strait relationship from a regional perspective. Specifically, they analyze the post-Cold War political and strategic landscape in East Asia; the weakening of integration and the new strategic framework in East Asia; and the reorientation of the military strategy of the United States, China and Japan, seeking to relate them to the Taiwan issue. In conclusion, we had to find the prevalence of systemic constraints - not just on national policies but about the region itself - in conditioning cross-strait relations. It was understood that the low predictability of the evolution of this relationship is due largely to the character to a certain point of the abnormal passage from unipolarity to multipolarity.

<p>This master thesis explores the transfer of R&D activities from Western MNC’s to their Chinese subsidiaries and how companies can leverage key enablers to address main barriers in this process. The research project is conducted as a multiple-case study consisting of three case companies: the Danish pharmaceutical company Novo Nordisk, the Swiss/Swedish power and automation company ABB and the global food and beverage company Nestlé. The main rationale for conducting this study is that a significantly increasing level of foreign invested R&D is conducted in the Chinese environment with its increasingly important market. In order to preserve competitive advantages and secure global market penetration it could be necessary for other companies as well to undertake a similar process of transferring R&D.</p><p>The main barriers identified are the difficulty to find qualified employees in China, to train and retain the recruited employees and the language gaps that are present between the Western and the Chinese units. One key enabler applied to address these barriers is to organize activities at selected Chinese universities in order to attract skilled graduates. Utilizing expatriates and short-term traveling increases personal interaction between otherwise geographically distant employees together with providing training of increasing complexity are key enablers addressed to develop the Chinese employee’s knowledge. Language courses is the key enabler applied in order to decrease the language gaps, both Chinese courses for Westerners and English courses for Chinese.</p><p>In addition to identifying barriers and enablers and investigating their interrelatedness we propose a conceptual model for R&D transfer consisting of four elements to transfer together with implementation of the transferred knowledge at the receiving unit. In our view, the elements to transfer are physical objects, individual explicit knowledge, individual tacit knowledge and collective knowledge.</p> / This thesis won Sparbanksstiftelsen Kronan's award of 50000 SEK.

O objetivo do presente trabalho é buscar elementos para se analisar as relações interestreito de Taiwan, a partir da experiência histórica, processos políticos, dados econômicos e estudos securitários. O trabalho está estruturado em cinco seções: uma introdução, três capítulos de desenvolvimento e a conclusão. O primeiro capítulo procurou desenvolver uma perspectiva tanto sincrônica quanto diacrônica, relacionando o efeito da Guerra da Coreia sobre as relações interestreito naquele período. Entende-se que, ainda hoje, as relações interestreito são fortemente influenciadas por aquela conflagração, e, dada a precariedade do armistício, pela mera possibilidade da eclosão de um novo conflito armado na Península. O segundo capítulo foca-se no sistema político taiwanês e sua interface com as relações interestreito, estudandose, dentro das fontes que se pôde inventariar, a evolução do processo político e da construção de Estado em Taiwan. No terceiro capítulo, buscou-se chegar a um meio termo entre as duas perspectivas, enfocando-se a relação interestreito a partir de uma ótica regional. Especificamente, analisam-se o cenário político e estratégico pós-Guerra Fria na Ásia Oriental; o enfraquecimento da integração e o novo quadro estratégico na Ásia Oriental; e a reorientação da estratégia militar dos Estados Unidos, da China e do Japão, procurando-se relacioná-las à questão de Taiwan. Como conclusão, teve de se constatar o predomínio dos constrangimentos sistêmicos – não apenas sobre as políticas nacionais, mas sobre a própria região – no condicionamento das relações interestreito. Entendeu-se que a pouca previsibilidade da evolução desse relacionamento deve-se, em grande medida, ao caráter até certo ponto anormal da passagem da unipolaridade à multipolaridade. / The objective of this study is to find elements to analyze the Taiwan’s cross-strait relations, from the historical experience, political processes, economic data and International Security Studies. The work is divided into five sections: an introduction, three chapters of development and conclusion. The first chapter has sought to develop a perspective both synchronic as diachronic, relating the Korean War's effect on cross-strait relations in that period. It is understood that, even today, cross-strait relations are strongly influenced by that conflagration, and, given the precariousness of the armistice, the mere possibility of the outbreak of a new armed conflict on the peninsula. The second chapter focuses on the Taiwanese political system and its interface with the cross-strait relations, studying, inside sources that could inventorying, the evolution of the political process and the construction of state in Taiwan. In the third chapter, we sought to reach a compromise between the two perspectives, focusing to cross-strait relationship from a regional perspective. Specifically, they analyze the post-Cold War political and strategic landscape in East Asia; the weakening of integration and the new strategic framework in East Asia; and the reorientation of the military strategy of the United States, China and Japan, seeking to relate them to the Taiwan issue. In conclusion, we had to find the prevalence of systemic constraints - not just on national policies but about the region itself - in conditioning cross-strait relations. It was understood that the low predictability of the evolution of this relationship is due largely to the character to a certain point of the abnormal passage from unipolarity to multipolarity.

Submitted by GUSTAVO ERLER PEDROZO null (gu_pedrozo@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-09-05T18:33:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PEDROZO. Implicações políticas e econômicas da ascensão chinesa para a América do Sul.pdf: 1945758 bytes, checksum: f6b654467cc8356d8840e9acb9129e02 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-09T14:18:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 pedrozo_ge_dr_mar_par.pdf: 572311 bytes, checksum: d98aad00b42c2ceaf9f6757fa59726b9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-09T14:18:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 pedrozo_ge_dr_mar_par.pdf: 572311 bytes, checksum: d98aad00b42c2ceaf9f6757fa59726b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Ao formular seu Novo Conceito de Segurança, a China vinculou diretamente a ideia de segurança à garantia das condições para seu desenvolvimento econômico. Diante da grande acumulação de capital via superávit em transações correntes e necessidades cada vez maiores de matérias-primas, abertura de novos mercados e influência política para estabelecimento de um mundo multipolar, a China lançou-se em um movimento de internacionalização de sua economia. Como estratégia de aproximação com o "mundo em desenvolvimento" os chineses resgataram o discurso do "Espírito de Bandung", em contraposição à tese de uma renovação da dependência ao estilo Norte-Sul. Partindo de uma relação estritamente comercial, os chineses passaram a fornecer capital na forma de investimento estrangeiro direto, financiamentos diversos e programas de ajuda internacional. O momento pareceu propício, uma vez que a ascensão de outras forças “emergentes” alimentou o retorno do debate sobre a Cooperação Sul-Sul. As relações da China com a América Latina não fugiram a esse padrão. Esta pesquisa, pois, questionou em que medida é possível afirmar que as relações entre a China e América Latina podem ser consideradas típicas de um modelo Sul-Sul, ou nos termos colocados pela diplomacia chinesa, que prezam pelo benefício mútuo em oposição a ideia do jogo de soma zero. Para responder à pergunta central da investigação, a abordagem proposta, portanto, buscou elucidar os seguintes aspectos: 1) verificar em que medida a conjuntura deste início de século favoreceu a construção de um regime de cooperação sul-sul e como este possível regime absorveu as alterações econômicas pós-crise de 2008; 2) verificar em que medida as relações chinesas com os demais países em desenvolvimento sob o lema do “benefício mútuo” significam um resgate do espírito de Bandung e podem ser consideradas típicas de uma cooperação sul-sul; 3) por fim, analisar, sob o prisma da cooperação sul-sul para o desenvolvimento, a evolução das relações da China com a região latino-americana, e, particularmente, com a região sul-americana. Sobre o último ponto, utilizou-se um levantamento documental dos principais acordos bilaterais e um levantamento de dados relativos às variáveis comércio, investimentos estrangeiros direto, investimentos patrocinados pelo governo chinês e financiamentos concedidos pelas agências governamentais chinesas. Esta pesquisa, portanto, procurou sustentar que, pelo viés da cooperação sul-sul, a situação chinesa é paradoxal, pois ao mesmo tempo em que o crescimento econômico chinês impele às economias sul-americanas a um padrão de comércio típico das relações Norte-Sul, a manutenção do ambiente internacional favorável aos objetivos chineses faz com que algumas concessões precisem ser feitas. Nesse sentido, sugeriu-se que, embora com limites estruturais, as relações da China com a região sul-americana, mas não na América Latina como um todo, poderiam se estabelecer nos termos da cooperação sul-sul para o desenvolvimento. / When the “New Security Concept” was formulated, the Chinese diplomacy sought to relate the security idea directly with the guarantees for China's economic development. Given the high capital accumulation via current account surplus, the higher needs for raw materials and energy sources, the political requirements for the establishment of a multipolar world, and the seeks for new markets for its exportations, China laid itself in an economic internationalization movement. As part of the strategy of its relations with the developing world, China used the discourse of the “Spirit of Bandung” to opposing the thesis that its ascension could contribute for new dependency relations. If firstly the approximation was based on commercial relations, in the 21th century, the Chinese began to provide capital to the developing world in several forms: foreign direct investment, different credit lines and foreign aid. The moment was propitious, once the emerging powers' rise seemed to feed the debate about south-south cooperation. This research sought to understand the relationship between China and Latin America inside this context. Therefore, we investigated to what extent the relations between China and Latina America can be seen as a south-south pattern or “mutually beneficial”, as the Chinese diplomacy often affirms in its public documents. To answer the central question, we proceeded as follows: 1) we verified in what extent the new century's conjuncture has favored the south-south cooperation regime, and how this supposed regime has assimilated the political and economic context after the 2008 crisis; 2) we verified if the Chinese relationship with other development countries can be classified inside a south-south cooperation definition; 3) we analyzed, under the south-south cooperation concept, the evolution of the relations between China and Latin America, but particularly with the South America. About the last point, this research has used a data collection for bilateral agreements, trade, foreign direct investment, government-sponsored investments and loans provided by Chinese development institutions. This investigation sustains that the Chinese rise has a paradoxical pattern: if the Chinese economic growth impels the South American economies to the north-south pattern of relationship, the maintenance of international environment favorable to the Chinese interests makes with some concessions need to be done. In this way, the results have showed that the relations between China and South America, but not the Latin America as a whole, could occur in the terms of south-south cooperation.

O objetivo do presente trabalho é buscar elementos para se analisar as relações interestreito de Taiwan, a partir da experiência histórica, processos políticos, dados econômicos e estudos securitários. O trabalho está estruturado em cinco seções: uma introdução, três capítulos de desenvolvimento e a conclusão. O primeiro capítulo procurou desenvolver uma perspectiva tanto sincrônica quanto diacrônica, relacionando o efeito da Guerra da Coreia sobre as relações interestreito naquele período. Entende-se que, ainda hoje, as relações interestreito são fortemente influenciadas por aquela conflagração, e, dada a precariedade do armistício, pela mera possibilidade da eclosão de um novo conflito armado na Península. O segundo capítulo foca-se no sistema político taiwanês e sua interface com as relações interestreito, estudandose, dentro das fontes que se pôde inventariar, a evolução do processo político e da construção de Estado em Taiwan. No terceiro capítulo, buscou-se chegar a um meio termo entre as duas perspectivas, enfocando-se a relação interestreito a partir de uma ótica regional. Especificamente, analisam-se o cenário político e estratégico pós-Guerra Fria na Ásia Oriental; o enfraquecimento da integração e o novo quadro estratégico na Ásia Oriental; e a reorientação da estratégia militar dos Estados Unidos, da China e do Japão, procurando-se relacioná-las à questão de Taiwan. Como conclusão, teve de se constatar o predomínio dos constrangimentos sistêmicos – não apenas sobre as políticas nacionais, mas sobre a própria região – no condicionamento das relações interestreito. Entendeu-se que a pouca previsibilidade da evolução desse relacionamento deve-se, em grande medida, ao caráter até certo ponto anormal da passagem da unipolaridade à multipolaridade. / The objective of this study is to find elements to analyze the Taiwan’s cross-strait relations, from the historical experience, political processes, economic data and International Security Studies. The work is divided into five sections: an introduction, three chapters of development and conclusion. The first chapter has sought to develop a perspective both synchronic as diachronic, relating the Korean War's effect on cross-strait relations in that period. It is understood that, even today, cross-strait relations are strongly influenced by that conflagration, and, given the precariousness of the armistice, the mere possibility of the outbreak of a new armed conflict on the peninsula. The second chapter focuses on the Taiwanese political system and its interface with the cross-strait relations, studying, inside sources that could inventorying, the evolution of the political process and the construction of state in Taiwan. In the third chapter, we sought to reach a compromise between the two perspectives, focusing to cross-strait relationship from a regional perspective. Specifically, they analyze the post-Cold War political and strategic landscape in East Asia; the weakening of integration and the new strategic framework in East Asia; and the reorientation of the military strategy of the United States, China and Japan, seeking to relate them to the Taiwan issue. In conclusion, we had to find the prevalence of systemic constraints - not just on national policies but about the region itself - in conditioning cross-strait relations. It was understood that the low predictability of the evolution of this relationship is due largely to the character to a certain point of the abnormal passage from unipolarity to multipolarity.

The objective of this Master's thesis is to analyse the term of "rule of law" and its Chinese variations (fazhi 法治 , fazhi 法制 , yifazhiguo 依法治国 ) since establishment of the People's Republic of China until present, with the emphasis on contemporary understanding of the concept, affected by political environment. The concept of the rule of law is presented throughout analysis of collected works of influential political leaders, namely Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping, reflected in official documents crucial to the legal system, such as the Constitution. Each historical period represents a different stance on the conception of rule of law and position of legal system, which results in analysis of current situation with a prospective future attitude to this issue. Keywords: rule of law, constitutional rule, Communist Party of China, China

The development of the People's Republic of China over the last decades is considered being one of the most significant trends in the current international environment. The Czech Republic has also experienced series of political, economical and social changes over the last years. However, the development of the Czech-Chinese foreign relations has not so far reflected these fundamental changes sufficiently. This thesis therefore describes the past development of the Czech-Chinese foreign relations and the development of the foreign policies of both sides and examines options for their mutual cooperation in the future. It is concluded that increased mutual cooperation could be beneficial for both sides for which supporting arguments covering the political and economic fields are presented separately for the Czech Republic and the People's Republic of China. In addition, specific diplomatic, economic and ideological instruments are proposed that might be used by both states in order to intensify the mutual Czech-Chinese foreign relations.