Yip Chi Wing. / "August 2000." / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2000. / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Mode of access: World Wide Web. / Abstracts in English and Chinese.

Lam, Wai Man. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2007. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 189-192). / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / ABSTRACT --- p.i / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.iii / Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Overview --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Data collection --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Defining connected speech --- p.5 / Chapter 1.4 --- Theoretical framework: Optimality Theory --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4.1 --- Basic principles --- p.6 / Chapter 1.4.2 --- Conflicts between markedness and faithfulness --- p.7 / Chapter 1.4.3 --- Rationale of using OT in the study of connected speech phonology --- p.7 / Chapter 1.5 --- Principles of speech production --- p.10 / Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- APPROACHES TO SYLLABLE CONTRACTION --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1 --- Descriptive work on Cantonese syllable contraction --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2 --- The experimental approach to syllable contraction --- p.13 / Chapter 2.3 --- The acoustic approach to syllable contraction --- p.15 / Chapter 2.4 --- The templatic approach to rime change --- p.17 / Chapter 2.5 --- The autosegmental approach to syllable contraction --- p.18 / Chapter 2.6 --- The prosodic approach to syllable contraction --- p.21 / Chapter 2.7 --- The optimality-theoretic approach to syllable contraction --- p.22 / Chapter 2.8 --- Hypotheses --- p.25 / Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- PATTERNS OF SYLLABLE CONTRACTION --- p.26 / Chapter 3.1 --- The σ1-m2I-σ2 string --- p.28 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Segmental issues --- p.28 / Chapter 3.1.1.1 --- σ1-m21 contraction --- p.28 / Chapter 3.1.1.1.1 --- The role of the onset --- p.30 / Chapter 3.1.1.1.2 --- Open syllables --- p.31 / Chapter 3.1.1.1.3 --- Offglides --- p.34 / Chapter 3.1.1.1.4 --- Checked syllables (obstruent coda) --- p.35 / Chapter 3.1.1.1.5 --- Nasal coda --- p.38 / Chapter 3.1.1.2 --- m21-σ2 contraction --- p.40 / Chapter 3.1.1.2.1 --- The glottal fricative [h] --- p.40 / Chapter 3.1.1.2.2 --- The glottal stop [？] --- p.41 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Tonal issues --- p.43 / Chapter 3.1.2.1 --- σ1-m21 contraction --- p.43 / Chapter 3.1.2.2 --- m21 -σ2 contraction --- p.47 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- Summary of the σ1-m21 -σ2 string --- p.49 / Chapter 3.2 --- The σ1-σ2-m21-σ3-σ4 string --- p.50 / Chapter 3.3 --- The σ1-m21 -σ2-σ3 string --- p.53 / Chapter 3.4 --- The m21-σ1 string --- p.55 / Chapter 3.5 --- Summary of this chapter --- p.57 / Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- CONSTRAINT INTERACTION IN SYLLABLE CONTRACTION --- p.58 / Chapter 4.1 --- Basic syllable structure constraints --- p.58 / Chapter 4.2 --- Avoidance of syllabic nasals through syllable contraction --- p.59 / Chapter 4.3 --- Coda issues --- p.65 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Obstruent coda deletion --- p.65 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Nasal coda --- p.73 / Chapter 4.4 --- Onset issues --- p.75 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- Illegal m21-σ2 contraction --- p.75 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- Glottal transparency --- p.80 / Chapter 4.5 --- Tonal issues --- p.85 / Chapter 4.5.1 --- σ1 -m21 contraction --- p.88 / Chapter 4.5.2 --- m2I-σ2 contraction --- p.90 / Chapter 4.6 --- Summary of constraint interaction in syllable contraction --- p.96 / Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- PROSODIC CONSTRAINTS GOVERNING SYLLABLE CONTRACTION --- p.98 / Chapter 5.1 --- Prosodic structure of various A-not-A strings --- p.98 / Chapter 5.2 --- Predicting the result of syllable contraction by constraint ranking --- p.102 / Chapter 5 .3 --- Summary of prosodic factors --- p.105 / Chapter CHAPTER 6 --- VARIATIONS AND CONSTRAINT RE-RANKING --- p.106 / Chapter 6.1 --- Variations on the number of morae --- p.110 / Chapter 6.2 --- Variations on the deletion of segments --- p.115 / Chapter 6.3 --- Variations on the number of syllables --- p.117 / Chapter CHAPTER 7 --- CONCLUSION --- p.121 / APPENDIX I --- p.125 / APPENDIX II --- p.155 / APPENDIX III --- p.170 / APPENDIX IV --- p.185 / LIST OF REFERENCES --- p.189

嚴至誠. / "2006年8月" / 論文(哲學碩士)--香港中文大學, 2006. / 參考文獻(leaves 260-265). / "2006 nian 8 yue" / Abstracts in Chinese and English. / Yan Zhicheng. / Lun wen (zhe xue shuo shi)--Xianggang Zhong wen da xue, 2006. / Can kao wen xian (leaves 260-265). / Chapter 第一章 --- 緒論 --- p.1 / Chapter 第二章 --- 宋元二代語文雜叢簡介 --- p.3 / Chapter 第一節 --- 宋本與元本《玉篇》及二本所附語文雜叢 --- p.3 / Chapter 第二節 --- 宋本《廣韻》及所附語文雜叢 --- p.6 / Chapter 第三節 --- 《韻鏡》及所附《韻鑑序例》 --- p.13 / Chapter 第四節 --- 《七音略》及所附語文雜叢 --- p.23 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《切韻指掌圖》及宋紹定本所附語文雜叢 --- p.26 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《四聲等子》及所附語文雜叢 --- p.36 / Chapter 第七節 --- 《盧宗邁切韻法》 --- p.43 / Chapter 第八節 --- 《經史正音切韻指南》及所附語文雜叢 --- p.45 / Chapter 第三章 --- 雙聲疊韻資料 --- p.49 / Chapter 第一節 --- 〈雙聲疊韻法〉 --- p.49 / Chapter 第二節 --- 〈雙聲疊韻例 > 及〈辨雙聲切字例〉、〈辨疊韻切字例〉 --- p.53 / Chapter 第四章 --- 聲調資料 --- p.56 / Chapter 第一節 --- 調四聲法 --- p.56 / Chapter 第二節 --- 濁上變去 --- p.64 / Chapter 第五章 --- 字母資料 --- p.68 / Chapter 第一節 --- 五音 --- p.68 / Chapter 第二節 --- 三十六字母 --- p.79 / Chapter 第三節 --- 淸濁及送氣不送氣 --- p.86 / Chapter 第四節 --- 字母等第 --- p.91 / Chapter 第五節 --- 字母合流 --- p.94 / Chapter 第六章 --- 助紐字資料 --- p.98 / Chapter 第一節 --- 助紐字之性質 --- p.98 / Chapter 第二節 --- 〈切字要法〉考 --- p.101 / Chapter 第三節 --- 〈三十六字母切韻法〉與〈切三十六字母法〉考 --- p.109 / Chapter 第四節 --- 諸本助紐字考辨並〈切字要法〉「四字無文」解 --- p.117 / Chapter 第七章 --- 歸字法資料 --- p.125 / Chapter 第一節 --- 「歸字」探源 --- p.125 / Chapter 第二節 --- 諸本所載歸字法考辨 --- p.127 / Chapter 第八章 --- 門法資料 --- p.138 / Chapter 第一節 --- 門法之性質及其產生之背景 --- p.138 / Chapter 第二節 --- 門法之範圍 --- p.140 / Chapter 第三節 --- 前人對門法之誤解 --- p.144 / Chapter 第四節 --- 《切韻指掌圖》《檢例》並其與《四聲等子》門法資料之關係 --- p.147 / Chapter 第五節 --- 《切韻指掌圖》、《四聲等子》與《門法玉鑰匙》門法資料考 --- p.150 / Chapter 第六節 --- 《總括玉鑰匙玄關歌訣》門法考 --- p.189 / Chapter 第七節 --- 附論：黑水城抄本《解釋歌義》簡介及相關問題考辨 --- p.202 / Chapter (甲） --- 《解釋歌義》之作者及成書問題 --- p.202 / Chapter (乙） --- 《解釋歌義》之內容 --- p.208 / Chapter 第九章 --- 綜合性及其他資料 --- p.219 / Chapter 第一節 --- 〈四聲五音九弄反紐圖〉 --- p.219 / Chapter 第二節 --- 〈辯四聲輕淸重濁法〉及〈辨四聲輕淸重濁總例> --- p.227 / Chapter 第三節 --- 〈列圍〉 --- p.238 / Chapter 第四節 --- 〈檢韻十六攝〉、〈入聲九攝〉、〈叶聲韻〉 --- p.238 / Chapter 第五節 --- 〈辯十四聲例法〉及〈辨十四聲法〉 --- p.241 / Chapter 第十章 --- 總結 --- p.256 / 主要參考資料 --- p.260

Thesis. 1980. Ph.D.--Massachusetts Institute of Technology. Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND HUMANITIES. / Bibliography: leaves 361-372. / by Moira Jean Winsland Yip. / Ph.D.

¹The transcriptions for Cantonese syllables presented in this paper are based on the Cantonese Romanization Scheme proposed by the Linguistic Society of Hong Kong (Chinese Character Database: With Word-formations, 2003). The number besides each syllable marking denotes the lexical tone. / Five experiments were conducted to investigate how phonological information is processed in Cantonese spoken word production using the picture-word interference (PWI) paradigm. Participants were asked to name aloud individually presented pictures and ignore an accompanying auditory word distractor. In the first three experiments of the present study, the target picture names were Cantonese mono-syllables with a consonant-vowel-consonant (CVC) structure. Participants' picture naming latencies were found faster when the target (e.g., /sing1/l¹, "Star") and the distractor (e.g., /ging 2/, /sik6/, or /soeng3/) shared two identical segments (irrespective of the segments' syllable-internal position), than when they were unrelated, whereas no reliable effects were obtained when they shared only the vowel (e.g., /dim3/), the coda (e.g., /hu ng2/), or together with the tone (e.g., /bit1/ or /fung1/). Furthermore, the facilitation effect observed in the consonant+consonant+tone-related condition (e.g., /soe ng1/) was found reliably larger than that in the consonant+consonant-related condition (e.g., /soeng3/). In Experiment 4, the syllable structure of the targets was manipulated such that half of the picture names were mono-syllables with a consonant-vowel (CV) structure (e.g., / so1/, "comb") and the other half a CVC structure (/sing1/). A significant syllable (without tone) related facilitation was found irrespective of the target type, whereas no reliable effect was observed when the target and the distractor (e.g., /se6/ and /sam2/, for CV and CVC targets, respectively) shared only the onset consonant. Furthermore, Experiment 5 investigated whether phonetic factors modulate the facilitation effect observed in a PWI task. To this end, the sonority level and duration of the target's rhyme component were manipulated in Experiments 5A and 5B, respectively. A significant rhyme-related priming effect was found in both Experiments 5A and 5B, and such effect was neither affected by the sonority level nor duration of the target's rhyme component. These results are in line with the notions that (1) a single segment does not have a significant impact on Chinese spoken word planning, (2) sub-syllabic constitutes such as rhyme is an important processing unit, (3) the lexical tone has a unique role to play during phonological encoding, and (4) segmental and tonal retrieval are operated in an interactive manner. Based on all the available results from Cantonese PWI research, an interactive model of Cantonese spoken word production is proposed. / Wong, Wing Kuen. / Adviser: Hsuan-Chih Chen. / Source: Dissertation Abstracts International, Volume: 72-04, Section: B, page: . / Thesis (Ph.D.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2010. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 108-117). / Electronic reproduction. Hong Kong : Chinese University of Hong Kong, [2012] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Electronic reproduction. Ann Arbor, MI : ProQuest Information and Learning Company, [200-] System requirements: Adobe Acrobat Reader. Available via World Wide Web. / Abstract also in Chinese.

This thesis studies the role of contrast distinctiveness in sound changes. Perceptual experiments are conducted to investigate the distinctiveness between Mandarin sibilants (dental s ts ts{02B0}, palatal {0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0}, and retroflex {0282} t{0282} t{0282}{02B0}). The experiment results are then adopted to account for the diachronic developments of Mandarin sibilants and the apical vowels {027F}, {0285} (syllabic approximants homorganic to the preceding dental/retroflex sibilants). / In Mandarin CV syllables, the apical vowels {027F}, {0285} are in complementary distribution with the vowel i: {027F} follows the dental s ts ts{02B0}; {0285} follows the retroflex {0282} t{0282} t{0282}{02B0}h (and the approximant {0279}); i follows the palatal {0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0} and other consonants. As reconstructed in previous studies, this distribution was developed from a series of sound changes since Middle Chinese (MC, circa the 7th century), when MC had dental, palatal, and retroflex sibilants but no apical vowels. Part of MC syllables, whose onsets were these sibilants, merged their rimes into -i. In these syllables, MC palatals merged into MC retroflexes, while the rimes -i developed into / after the dental/retroflex sibilants. In a later stage, palatal sibilants re-emerged before the vowel i in the palatalization of dental sibilants and velar obstruents. Through these developments came Mandarin 'sibilant+i/{027F}/{0285}' syllables. In these changes, a diachronic pattern can be observed, i.e. the avoidance of contrastive dental vs. palatal sibilants before the vowel i. This thesis argues that, this pattern can be attributed to the tendency for human languages to enhance contrast distinctiveness, in addition to the articulatory accounts given in previous studies. / Conducting two experiments, this thesis examines the perceptual distinctiveness between Mandarin sibilants, in isolation and in CV sequences. The results generally support the claim that apical {027F} and {0285} enhance the distinctiveness between the sibilants. Applying these results to the diachronic sound changes, this thesis argues that speech perception has interacted with articulation to ensure contrast distinctiveness of the sound system. / This thesis provides experimental evidence for sibilant distinction, and supplies a case study on diachronic sound changes, where speech perception and articulation interacted to achieve contrast distinctiveness. / 本文通過對普通話音[si字形為: '口'在左, '絲'在右] (齒音 s ts ts{02B0}、齶音{0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0}和捲舌音 {0282} t{0282} t{0282}{02B0})的聽覺實驗研究，探討對比清晰性 (contrast distinctiveness)在歷時語音變化中的作用，用聽覺實驗的結果來解釋普通話[si字形為: '口'在左, '絲'在右]音和舌尖元音 {027F}, {0285} (注:與齒音、捲舌音同部位的元音 )的歷史發展。 / 在普通話 CV音節中，舌尖元音 {027F}, {0285} 和前高元音 i呈現互補分佈：舌尖元音{027F}出現在齒音 s ts ts{02B0}後面，舌尖元音{0285} 出現在捲舌音{0282} t{0282} t{0282}{02B0} (以及捲舌通音 {0279})後面，前高元音 i出現在齶音 {0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0}和其他輔音後面。根據以往的漢語歷史音韻研究，這個互補分佈是從漢語中古音 (Middle Chinese)經歷一系列語音變化發展而來。部分以中古音的齒音、齶音、捲舌音為首音(onset)的音節中，原本不同的韻 (rime)合併為 -i，並最終發展為普通話中的"[si字形為: '口'在左, '絲'在右]音 +i{027F}/{0285}音節。從中古音開始，這些音節中，齶音併入捲舌音，同時一部分齒音和捲舌音後面的 -i韻音變為舌尖元音。在接下來的發展階段中，軟齶阻塞音 (velar obstruents)和齒音都在元音 -i的前面齶化爲 {0255} t{0255} t{0255}{02B0}。在這些歷時音變中，有一個的規律的模式，即：在元音-i之前，齒音與齶音不形成對立。本文認爲，除去前人研究中的語音發音作用之外，這個發展模式也是由語音系統傾向於清晰對立的趨勢造成的。 / 通過聽覺實驗，本文研究了普通話[si字形為: '口'在左, '絲'在右]音(單獨音段和 CV音節)之間的聽覺對比清晰度。實驗結果總體上支持舌尖元音加強了普通話音間的對比清晰度的觀點，並發現不同類型的音之間顯示出不同的對比清晰程度。本文將這些實驗結果應用於歷時音變的分析，認爲聽覺感知和言語發音相互作用，保證了歷時音變中語音系統的對比清晰性。 / 本文希望能夠為對比清晰度的研究提供聽覺實驗依據，並為對比清晰性在歷時音變中的作用和聽覺與發音的交互提供一個個案研究。 / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Li, Mingxing. / "Dec., 2011." / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2012. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 110-120). / Abstracts in English and Chinese; appendixes includes Chinese. / Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Mandarin sibilants and apical vowels --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2 --- The reconstructed historical development --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- The role of contrast distinctiveness in sound change --- p.5 / Chapter 1.4 --- The contents of this thesis --- p.6 / Chapter 2 --- Previous studies on Mandarin sibilants and apical vowels --- p.7 / Chapter 2.1 --- The phonetics of sibilants and apical vowels --- p.7 / Chapter 2.1.1 --- Sibilants --- p.7 / Chapter 2.1.1.1 --- Articulation --- p.7 / Chapter 2.1.1.2 --- Acoustic properties --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1.2 --- Apical vowels --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1.2.1 --- Articulation --- p.8 / Chapter 2.1.2.2 --- Acoustic properties --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.2.3 --- The phonetic status of apical {027F}/{0285} --- p.9 / Chapter 2.2 --- The phonology of apical vowels --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Apical {027F},{0285} as underspecified and derived --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Apical {027F} {0285} as a phoneme different from the vowel i --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Apical {027F}, {0285} and the vowel i as in one phoneme --- p.14 / Chapter 2.3 --- Sibilants and apicals: The reconstructed diachrony --- p.15 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- The historical development: An overview --- p.15 / Chapter 2.3.1.1 --- The sibilants in Middle Chinese --- p.15 / Chapter 2.3.1.2 --- The MC syllables developing into Mandarin 'sibilant+{027F}/i/{0285}' --- p.16 / Chapter 2.3.1.3 --- The rime merge into -i --- p.17 / Chapter 2.3.1.4 --- The three sound changes --- p.18 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- Palatal Retroflexion --- p.19 / Chapter 2.3.3 --- Apical vowel formation --- p.21 / Chapter 2.3.3.1 --- The formation of apical vowels --- p.21 / Chapter 2.3.3.2 --- Apical vowels as place assimilation --- p.22 / Chapter 2.3.3.3 --- Apical vowels as loss of rime -i --- p.24 / Chapter 2.3.4 --- Dental and velar palatalization --- p.25 / Chapter 2.3.4.1 --- Velarpalatalization as articulatory assimilation --- p.26 / Chapter 2.3.4.2 --- Dental palatalization as articulatory assimilation --- p.27 / Chapter 2.3.5 --- A summary of the sound changes --- p.28 / Chapter 2.4 --- A summary --- p.29 / Chapter 3 --- Contrast distinctiveness in sound changes --- p.30 / Chapter 3.1 --- Thediachronic pattern from MC to Mandarin --- p.30 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Thedisfavor on dental vs. palatal sibilants --- p.30 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Typologyofdentalvs.palatalsibilantsamong Chinesedialects --- p.31 / Chapter 3.2 --- Distinctiveness of contrast between Mandarin sibilants --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Dental vs. palatal sibilants: Distinctiveness of contrast --- p.33 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Distinctiveness of contrast in phonology --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.2.1 --- Distinctiveness between segments --- p.35 / Chapter 3.2.2.2 --- Distinctiveness in phonotactics --- p.36 / Chapter 3.2.2.3 --- Distinctiveness in phonological alternation --- p.36 / Chapter 3.2.3 --- Distinctiveness between Mandarin sibilants --- p.37 / Chapter 3.3 --- Contrast distinctiveness in the diachrony: The hypotheses --- p.38 / Chapter 3.3.1 --- Palatal Retroflexion --- p.39 / Chapter 3.3.2 --- Contrast distinctiveness in apical vowel formation --- p.40 / Chapter 3.3.2.1 --- Apical vowels conditioned by contrast --- p.41 / Chapter 3.3.2.2 --- Dentals vs. retroflexes: Distinctiveness before the vowel i --- p.43 / Chapter 3.3.2.3 --- Contrastive dentalsvs. retroflexes before the vowel i --- p.45 / Chapter 3.3.2.4 --- More on place assimilation --- p.45 / Chapter 3.3.3 --- Contrast distinctiveness in dental palatalization --- p.46 / Chapter 3.3.3.1 --- Contrast distinctiveness in Dental Palatalization --- p.47 / Chapter 3.3.3.2 --- Distinctiveness vs. assimilatory palatalization --- p.48 / Chapter 3.3.3.3 --- Implicational relation and dental/palatal distinctiveness --- p.49 / Chapter 3.4 --- A summary --- p.50 / Chapter 4 --- Distinctiveness between sibilants: The perceptual experiments --- p.51 / Chapter 4.1 --- Distinctiveness between sounds: Previous experiments --- p.51 / Chapter 4.1.1 --- Previous studies on consonant distinctiveness --- p.51 / Chapter 4.1.2 --- Perceptuality of Mandarin sibilants --- p.52 / Chapter 4.2 --- Experiment I: Distinctiveness between sibilants --- p.53 / Chapter 4.2.1 --- Objective --- p.53 / Chapter 4.2.2 --- Method --- p.53 / Chapter 4.2.2.1 --- Stimuli --- p.53 / Chapter 4.2.2.2 --- Subjects --- p.55 / Chapter 4.2.2.3 --- Procedure --- p.55 / Chapter 4.2.3 --- Results --- p.55 / Chapter 4.2.3.1 --- The effect of stimuli order --- p.56 / Chapter 4.2.3.2 --- Distinctiveness between sibilants --- p.56 / Chapter 4.3 --- Experiment II: Distinctiveness between 'sibilant+i' sequences --- p.58 / Chapter 4.3.1 --- Objective --- p.58 / Chapter 4.3.2 --- Method --- p.59 / Chapter 4.3.2.1 --- Stimuli --- p.59 / Chapter 4.3.2.2 --- Subjects --- p.61 / Chapter 4.3.2.3 --- Procedure --- p.61 / Chapter 4.3.3 --- The results --- p.61 / Chapter 4.3.3.1 --- The presentation order --- p.61 / Chapter 4.3.3.2 --- ‘Sibilant+i' sequences --- p.63 / Chapter 4.3.3.3 --- ‘Sibilant+i' pairs vs. isolated sibilant pairs --- p.64 / Chapter 4.3.3.4 --- ‘Sibilant+{027F}/i/{0285}' sequences --- p.64 / Chapter 4.3.3.5 --- ‘Sibilant+i’ pairs vs. ‘sibilant+{027F}/i/{0285}’ pairs --- p.65 / Chapter 4.4 --- Summarizing the experimental results --- p.66 / Chapter 4.4.1 --- The four hypotheses --- p.66 / Chapter 4.4.2 --- Distinctiveness between different types of stimuli --- p.67 / Chapter 5 --- Contrast distinctiveness and articulation in sound change --- p.68 / Chapter 5.1 --- Contrast distinctiveness in Mandarin diachrony --- p.68 / Chapter 5.1.1 --- Palatal Retroflexion --- p.68 / Chapter 5.1.2 --- Apical Vowel Formation --- p.69 / Chapter 5.1.2.1 --- Apical {027F}/{0285} as induced by contrast distinctiveness --- p.69 / Chapter 5.1.2.2 --- Apical {027F}/{0285} as enhancement of dental retroflex contrast --- p.70 / Chapter 5.1.3 --- Dental palatalization --- p.70 / Chapter 5.2 --- Sound changes triggered by contrast distinctiveness --- p.72 / Chapter 5.2.1 --- Enhancement of distinctiveness through merge --- p.72 / Chapter 5.2.2 --- Sacrifice of contrast to avoid less distinctiveness --- p.73 / Chapter 5.2.3 --- Vowel allophony for consonant distinctiveness --- p.73 / Chapter 5.3 --- The interaction of speech perception and articulation --- p.74 / Chapter 5.4 --- A summary --- p.76 / Chapter 6 --- Conclusions --- p.77 / Chapter 6.1 --- A summary of the contents --- p.77 / Chapter 6.2 --- Limitations and directions of future research --- p.78 / Chapter Appendix I: --- Development of sibilants and apical vowels --- p.80 / Chapter Appendix II: --- Typology of apical vowels in 124 Chinese dialects: A summary --- p.81 / Chapter Appendix III: --- Typology of apical vowels in 124 Chinese dialects: Full list --- p.83 / Chapter Appendix IV: --- Waveforms and spectrograms of the stimuli --- p.95 / Chapter Appendix V: --- List of stimuli pairs in the record --- p.103 / Chapter Appendix VI: --- Marking sheet for the experiments --- p.104 / References --- p.110

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Linguistics and Philosophy, 1982. / MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND HUMANITIES / Bibliography: leaves 226-229. / by Karuvannur Puthanveettil Mohanan. / Ph.D.

Orientador: Luiz Carlos Cagliari / Banca: Larissa Cristina Berti / Banca: Daniel Soares da Costa / Resumo: O objetivo desta dissertação de mestrado é estudar alguns aspectos da correlação entre dados acústicos e dados obtidos através de modelos de análise auditiva da entoação, a fim de verificar se a análise acústica se distancia ou não do reconhecimento auditivo. Para isso, investigamos, através de alguns dos principais métodos de descrição da entoação, do ponto de vista perceptivo (fonologia funcional) e do ponto de vista acústico (modelo autossegmental), qual a relação entre a percepção e a realidade física do som na análise do fenômeno da entoação. Nossa intenção é provar que essa correlação é tanto possível quanto viável. Para alcançar esse resultado, fizemos, primeiramente, uma descrição individual das duas abordagens eleitas para essa comparação. Uma das abordagens diz respeito ao estudo auditivo desenvolvido por Halliday (1970) e adaptado por Cagliari (1982/2007) para a análise dos dados do português brasileiro. A outra é de base acústica e segue o modelo de análise autossegmental, desenvolvido por Pierrehumbert (1980). Feito isso, propomos uma comparação entre os dois modelos, trazendo à baila suas semelhanças e diferenças, com o intuito de chegarmos a um possível paralelo entre eles. O resultado foi satisfatório e mostrou que, apesar de formalmente diferentes, é possível constatar semelhanças entre eles. Partindo desse princípio, fizemos uma detalhada análise acústica por meio do programa computacional PRAAT e, auditiva, (seguindo a metodologia de Halliday e Cagliari). A análise descreve a estrutura fonológica da entoação de um pequeno trecho do livro História sem fim (sd). A gravação foi feita por um informante adulto da cidade de Araraquara. O resultado mostrou, mais uma vez, uma correspondência entre... (Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: The aim of this dissertation is the analysis of the correlation between acoustic and auditory data, in order to verify whether the acoustic analysis follows or not the auditory recognition. For this, we investigated, with some of main methods of description of intonation, the perception (functional phonology) and the acoustics (autossegmental model), what is the relation between perception and physical reality in the analysis of intonation. Our intention is to prove that this correlation is as much possible as feasible. We started with the description of the two approaches chosen for our comparison. One of them is concerned with the auditory approach. This theory was developed by Halliday (1970), according to Cagliari (1982/2007), who adapted Halliday‟s model to describe the intonation of Brazilian Portuguese. The other, is the acoustic approach developed by Pierrehumbert (1980) autossegmental approach. We propose a comparison between the two theories, bringing up their similarities and differences in order to reach a possible comparative parallel between them. The results showed that, despite the formal differences, similarities between the two approaches. Based on this idea, we made a detailed acoustic analysis of our data with the software PRAAT and an auditory analysis of the same data (following the Halliday‟s and Cagliari‟s methodology). The analyses describe the phonological structure of intonation of a short passage from the book História sem fim (The Neverending Story) (sd). The recording was performed by an adult informant from the city of Araraquara. Once more, the results showed a good correspondence between the phonological forms merged from the acoustic and auditory analyses. In addition, our goal was to show that the correlation between the two approachs (acoustic and auditory) allows a better explanation... (Complete abstract click electronic access below) / Mestre

Tam, Su San. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 144-147). / Abstracts in English and Chinese; includes Chinese characters. / ABSTRACT --- p.I / ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS --- p.IV / TABLE OF CONTENTS --- p.VI / Chapter CHAPTER 1 --- INTRODUCTION --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1 --- Background of the Problem and Purpose of the Study --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2 --- Research Questions and Significance of the Study --- p.3 / Chapter 1.3 --- Scope of the Study --- p.3 / Chapter 1.4 --- Thesis Organization --- p.4 / Chapter CHAPTER 2 --- DATA OF FOUR SOUTHERN MIN DIALECTS --- p.1 / Chapter 2.1 --- Preamble --- p.1 / Chapter 2.2 --- Basic Data of the four sub-dialects --- p.2 / Chapter 2.2.1 --- Xiamen Dialect --- p.2 / Chapter 2.2.1.1 --- Xiamen Onsets --- p.3 / Chapter 2.2.1.2 --- Xiamen Rimes --- p.4 / Chapter 2.2.1.3 --- Xiamen Tones --- p.7 / Chapter 2.2.1.4 --- Xiamen Syllables --- p.7 / Chapter 2.2.2 --- Quanzhou Dialect --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2.2.1 --- Quanzhou Onsets --- p.8 / Chapter 2.2.2.2 --- Quanzhou Rimes --- p.9 / Chapter 2.2.2.3 --- Quanzhou Tones --- p.11 / Chapter 2.2.2.4 --- Quanzhou Syllables --- p.12 / Chapter 2.2.3 --- Zhangping Dialect --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.3.1 --- Zhangping Onsets --- p.13 / Chapter 2.2.3.2 --- Zhangping Rimes --- p.14 / Chapter 2.2.3.3 --- Zhangping Tones --- p.16 / Chapter 2.2.3.4 --- Zhangping Syllables --- p.16 / Chapter 2.2.4 --- Shantou Dialect --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2.4.1 --- Shantou Onsets --- p.17 / Chapter 2.2.4.2 --- Shantou Rimes --- p.19 / Chapter 2.2.4.3 --- Shantou Tones --- p.21 / Chapter 2.2.4.4 --- Shantou Syllables --- p.21 / Chapter 2.3 --- Co-occurrence Patterns --- p.22 / Chapter 2.3.1 --- On Labial Co-occurrence --- p.22 / Chapter 2.3.1.1 --- Xiamen Labial Co-occurrence --- p.23 / Chapter 2.3.1.2 --- Quanzhou Labial Co-occurrence --- p.24 / Chapter 2.3.1.3 --- Zhangping Labial Co-occurrence --- p.26 / Chapter 2.3.1.4 --- Shantou Labial Co-occurrence --- p.27 / Chapter 2.3.1.5 --- Southern Min Labial Co-occurrence: A Summary --- p.28 / Chapter 2.3.2 --- On nasalization --- p.29 / Chapter 2.3.2.1 --- Xiamen Nasalization --- p.30 / Chapter 2.3.2.2 --- Quanzhou Nasalization --- p.32 / Chapter 2.3.2.3 --- Zhangping Nasalization --- p.35 / Chapter 2.3.2.4 --- Shantou Nasalization --- p.37 / Chapter 2.3.2.5 --- Southern Min Nasality: A Summary --- p.40 / Chapter 2.4 --- Generalizing the Southern Min Phonotactic Observations --- p.41 / Chapter CHAPTER 3 --- PREVIOUS STUDIES ON CHINESE/MIN PHONOTACTICS --- p.44 / Chapter 3.1 --- Autosegmental Phonology --- p.44 / Chapter 3.1.1 --- Obligatory Contour Principle (OCP) --- p.46 / Chapter 3.1.1.2 --- OCP and Labial Co-Occurrence in Chinese Syllables --- p.49 / Chapter 3.1.1.3 --- Application of OCP in Southern Min Dialects --- p.54 / Chapter 3.1.2 --- Syllable Theory in Chinese and Southern Min --- p.58 / Chapter 3.1.3 --- Nasality in Southern Min --- p.65 / Chapter 3.1.3.1 --- Nasal Consonants --- p.65 / Chapter 3.1.3.2 --- Nasalized Vowels --- p.67 / Chapter 3.1.3.3 --- Derivation of Nasality in Southern Min --- p.68 / Chapter 3.1.4 --- Inadequacies of Autosegmental Framework --- p.76 / Chapter 3.2 --- Optimality Theory (OT) --- p.79 / Chapter 3.2.1 --- Revisiting OCP in OT --- p.83 / Chapter 3.2.2 --- Nasalization in OT --- p.89 / Chapter CHAPTER 4 --- AN OPTIMALITY ANALYSIS OF THE SOUTHERN MIN PHONOTACTICS --- p.93 / Chapter 4.1 --- On labial co-occurrence --- p.93 / Chapter 4.2 --- On nasalization --- p.103 / Chapter 4.3 --- Summary: a Southern Min 'Typology' --- p.116 / Chapter CHAPTER 5 --- CONCLUSION --- p.118 / Chapter 5.1 --- Conclusion --- p.118 / Chapter 5.2 --- Residual Issues and Future Research --- p.119 / APPENDICES --- p.121 / Appendix A ´ؤ Xiamen Syllable Chart --- p.122 / Appendix B - Quanzhou Syllable Chart --- p.128 / Appendix C 一 Zhangping Syllable Chart --- p.134 / Appendix D - Shantou Syllable Chart --- p.138 / REFERENCES --- p.144

abstract: This dissertation investigates the precise degree to which prosody and syntax are related. One possibility is that the syntax-prosody mapping is one-to-one (“isomorphic”) at an underlying level (Chomsky & Halle 1968, Selkirk 1996, 2011, Ito & Mester 2009). This predicts that prosodic units should preferably match up with syntactic units. It is also possible that the mapping between these systems is entirely non-isomorphic, with prosody being influenced by factors from language perception and production (Wheeldon & Lahiri 1997, Lahiri & Plank 2010). In this work, I argue that both perspectives are needed in order to address the full range of phonological phenomena that have been identified in English and related languages, including word-initial lenition/flapping, word-initial segment-deletion, and vowel reduction in function words, as well as patterns of pitch accent assignment, final-pronoun constructions, and the distribution of null complementizer allomorphs. In the process, I develop models for both isomorphic and non-isomorphic phrasing. The former is cast within a Minimalist syntactic framework of Merge/Label and Bare Phrase Structure (Chomsky 2013, 2015), while the latter is characterized by a stress-based algorithm for the formation of phonological domains, following Lahiri & Plank (2010). / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2019