Summary According to Ferris & Judge(1991), Ferris & Mitchell(1987), the policies of human resources such as promotion, selection, rotation and etc. are affected by political behaviors. As Gandz & Murray (1980) proved, political behaviors indeed exist in different kinds of organizations and groups, especially in public sectors. The study tested the formal employees in Kaoshiung County Government. Those employees are from passing the official examinations or other departments. The rank and classification of the jobs in the organization are complete; employees have many chances to get promotion and rotation. Therefore, it is a good case for examining how often political behaviors being used and how their effects are. The study distributed 410 questionnaires; there are 225 back, and 185 effective samples. Analyzing data and proving the hypotheses through SPSS, there are several findings as follows: 1. Civil servants think that to have the chance of promotion or rotation, to use ¡§having good relationship with important persons¡¨ is necessary. 2. Civil servants think that to have the chance of promotion or rotation, to use ¡§recommendation from the supervisor¡¨ is necessary. 3. The upward political behaviors that civil servants mostly used are:(1) Provide precedent or some ideas that other county governments do. (2) Ask instructions from supervisors, and discuss the solutions. (3) Provide some relevant references that support his viewpoints to the supervisor. 4. The upward political behaviors that civil servants think most effective are same as the behaviors mostly used. Through analysis, the relationship between the using frequency and the using effectiveness of the upward political behaviors are positively related. In other words, the higher the using frequency, the better the using effectiveness. 5. Male subordinates think that using ¡§expert authority¡¨ and ¡§reasonable defense¡¨ would increase not only the chance of promotion and rotation, but also increase the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. 6. Male subordinates in higher level think that using ¡¨social intercourse and social party¡¨ and ¡§reasonable defense¡¨ can increase the speed of promotion and rotation. As to male subordinates in lower level, they think that using ¡§expert authority¡¨ can increase the speed of having promotion and rotation. 7. The subordinates in higher level think that using ¡§affective strategy¡¨ and ¡§social intercourse and social party¡¨ would cause the unfairness of promotion and rotation and decease the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. 8. Seniority, higher-educated subordinates think that using ¡¨expert authority¡¨ and ¡§reasonable defense¡¨ of the upward political behaviors would increase the speed of promotion and rotation and the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. However, for those who have less years spent on the job think that using ¡§social intercourse and social party¡¨ of the upward political behaviors would cause the unfairness of promotion and rotation and decease the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. 9. The marriage of supervisors significantly moderates the relationship between the frequency of using upward political behaviors and the speed of promotion and rotation. When supervisors use ¡§political strategy¡¨ of the upward political behavior, those who unmarried has more significant effect on increasing the speed of promotion and rotation than those who married. 10. The marriage of supervisors significantly moderates the relationship between the frequency of using upward political behaviors and the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. When supervisors use ¡§affective strategy¡¨ of the upward political behavior, those who unmarried has more significant effect on increasing the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system than those who married.

Les enjeux environnementaux contemporains nécessitent la mobilisation de l’ensemble des acteurs sociétaux. Dans ce contexte, comprendre adéquatement la participation politique citoyenne face à l’environnement est primordial. En recensant la littérature, on note que certains courants analytiques concluent à la nécessité d’élargir les concepts de participation politique et d’activisme environnemental afin de mieux considérer l’impact du mode de vie et de la sphère privée. En nous appuyant sur les points saillants de ces deux littératures, nous avançons une typologie qui différencie les gestes activistes pro-environnementaux selon leur «nouveauté» (en tant qu’objets analytiques de nature politique) et leur radicalité. Afin de valider empiriquement ce modèle et de déterminer si les nouveaux comportements activistes environnementaux sont réellement politiques, nous avons analysé les données d’un sondage réalisé auprès de 3458 Canadiens issus de la population générale et de 2653 membres de groupes environnementaux canadiens. Nous avons d’abord effectué une analyse factorielle exploratoire afin d’identifier différents types de gestes pro-environnementaux. Après avoir associé les facteurs résultant aux quadrants de notre typologie, nous avons effectué une série d’analyses de régression linéaires visant à comparer les caractéristiques des gestes conventionnellement politiques et des nouveaux comportements activistes. Les résultats tendent à confirmer la vision voulant que ces derniers aient une forte résonance politique. Il semble donc nécessaire de tenir compte du potentiel élargi de la notion de comportement politique, de façon à tirer des conclusions plus justes, tant au niveau de l’évaluation de la participation politique citoyenne que de l’engagement activiste lié aux enjeux environnementaux. / Contemporary environmental issues require the mobilization of all societal actors. In this context, it is essential to be able to adequately understand citizen political participation regarding the environment. In reviewing the literature, we note that certain analytical currents conclude that there is a need to broaden the concepts of political participation and environmental activism in order to better consider the impact of lifestyle and the private sphere. Based on the highlights of these two literatures, we propose a typology that differentiates pro-environmental activist actions according to their "novelty" (as analytical objects of a political nature) and their radicality. In order to empirically validate this model and to determine whether new environmental activist behaviours are truly political, we analyzed data from a survey of 3458 Canadians from the general population and 2653 members of Canadian environmental groups. We first conducted an exploratory factor analysis to identify different types of pro-environmental actions. After associating the resulting factors to the quadrants of our typology, we conducted a series of linear regression analyses to compare the characteristics of conventional political actions and new activist behaviours. The results tend to confirm the view that the latter have a strong political resonance. It therefore seems necessary to consider the broader potential of the notion of political behaviour in order to draw more accurate conclusions, both in terms of assessing citizen political participation and activist engagement in environmental issues.