Over the past two decades, transnational private standards such as “dolphin-safe,” “fair-trade,” and “sustainably produced timber,” have become ubiquitous. The regulatory landscape of many issue areas includes a mix of these private standards and government regulation. This is puzzling as firms adopting these standards voluntarily commit to exceeding government regulation, yet may not recoup the additional costs related to production changes and certification of their processes. To understand why firms adopt transnational private standards and how these standards affect government policies, this dissertation examines how the adoption of sustainable forestry standards changed the regulatory dynamics between firms and governments between 1997 and 2016. The dissertation consists of three analyses of the interaction between standards’ adoption and government regulation. The first study quantitatively evaluates forest sector policies in 38 countries, and demonstrates that whether industries use their adoption of transnational private standards to gain competitive advantages over foreign rivals, or alternatively, to avert further government regulation depends on market conditions and the willingness of consumers to pay a premium for certification. The second study investigates the extent to which to which governments in Australia, Canada, and the United Kingdom have included transnational private standards in regulation to provide producers in import-competing industries competitive benefits over foreign producers. It establishes that in most cases, governments calibrated forest sector policies to increase trade benefits in response to the trade orientation of sectors and their level of transnational private standards adoption. The third study examines lobbying across industries and finds that industries adopted lobbying strategies on different forest sector policies based on whether those policies would improve their competitiveness and the extent to which to which they believed they could influence government policy. In aggregate, these studies demonstrate that governments of more-developed countries incorporated transnational private standards into their forest sector policies to the extent that doing so would provide economic benefits to their industries, and that they did so due to corporate lobbying. / 10000-01-01

Thesis: "Political marketing used in NC elections 2010" deals with the proximity of political marketing from two perspectives and the theoretical and practical. The theoretical part is clarified the concept of political marketing and its role in electoral campaigns, in brief are approximated social networks which are commonplace in political marketing. The practical part of which approximates the pre-election situation in Slovakia, the application of political marketing in the parliamentary elections in 2010 in the Slovak Republic, the election results for the subsequent assessment of the effectiveness of parties in the use of marketing resources.

Summary According to Ferris & Judge(1991), Ferris & Mitchell(1987), the policies of human resources such as promotion, selection, rotation and etc. are affected by political behaviors. As Gandz & Murray (1980) proved, political behaviors indeed exist in different kinds of organizations and groups, especially in public sectors. The study tested the formal employees in Kaoshiung County Government. Those employees are from passing the official examinations or other departments. The rank and classification of the jobs in the organization are complete; employees have many chances to get promotion and rotation. Therefore, it is a good case for examining how often political behaviors being used and how their effects are. The study distributed 410 questionnaires; there are 225 back, and 185 effective samples. Analyzing data and proving the hypotheses through SPSS, there are several findings as follows: 1. Civil servants think that to have the chance of promotion or rotation, to use ¡§having good relationship with important persons¡¨ is necessary. 2. Civil servants think that to have the chance of promotion or rotation, to use ¡§recommendation from the supervisor¡¨ is necessary. 3. The upward political behaviors that civil servants mostly used are:(1) Provide precedent or some ideas that other county governments do. (2) Ask instructions from supervisors, and discuss the solutions. (3) Provide some relevant references that support his viewpoints to the supervisor. 4. The upward political behaviors that civil servants think most effective are same as the behaviors mostly used. Through analysis, the relationship between the using frequency and the using effectiveness of the upward political behaviors are positively related. In other words, the higher the using frequency, the better the using effectiveness. 5. Male subordinates think that using ¡§expert authority¡¨ and ¡§reasonable defense¡¨ would increase not only the chance of promotion and rotation, but also increase the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. 6. Male subordinates in higher level think that using ¡¨social intercourse and social party¡¨ and ¡§reasonable defense¡¨ can increase the speed of promotion and rotation. As to male subordinates in lower level, they think that using ¡§expert authority¡¨ can increase the speed of having promotion and rotation. 7. The subordinates in higher level think that using ¡§affective strategy¡¨ and ¡§social intercourse and social party¡¨ would cause the unfairness of promotion and rotation and decease the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. 8. Seniority, higher-educated subordinates think that using ¡¨expert authority¡¨ and ¡§reasonable defense¡¨ of the upward political behaviors would increase the speed of promotion and rotation and the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. However, for those who have less years spent on the job think that using ¡§social intercourse and social party¡¨ of the upward political behaviors would cause the unfairness of promotion and rotation and decease the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. 9. The marriage of supervisors significantly moderates the relationship between the frequency of using upward political behaviors and the speed of promotion and rotation. When supervisors use ¡§political strategy¡¨ of the upward political behavior, those who unmarried has more significant effect on increasing the speed of promotion and rotation than those who married. 10. The marriage of supervisors significantly moderates the relationship between the frequency of using upward political behaviors and the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system. When supervisors use ¡§affective strategy¡¨ of the upward political behavior, those who unmarried has more significant effect on increasing the satisfaction of promotion and rotation system than those who married.

The European Union enacted a comprehensive reform of its chemical safety laws, the Regulation on the Registration, Evaluation and Authorization of Chemicals (REACH) in 2006. The EU rewrote the safety rules governing the chemical industry, the fifth largest manufacturing industry in the world in terms of revenue. After REACH, the EU’s rules became the most comprehensive and stringent in the world and at which point REACH became the de facto standard of compliance for international chemical companies and triggered de jure adjustments of the national laws of many of EU’s leading trading partners, including the US. The EU announced its “strategy” in 2001 with the twin aspirational goals of committing all member states to a high level of regulatory stringency and protecting Europe’s role as a major hub of the chemical industry and leader in science and innovation. The EU used this appeal to gain cooperation of key stakeholders, including industry, trade unions and international environmental NGOs. The EU divided responsibility for drafting and legislating REACH among Environment and Competitiveness directorates within the Commission and analogous groupings within Council and committees within Parliament to ensure that the intended balance between reform goals and economic priorities be maintained. The strategy featured an important international component and was expressed in the unprecedented way that the EU involved international stakeholders in its drafting process and the efforts of its diplomats to address concerns raised by trading partners, particularly in the Technical Barriers of Trade Committee of the WTO. This study will build on work of Anu Bradford, David Vogel and other institutionalist scholars to confirm that EU’s success in making its REACH regulation a template for reform of chemical safety laws was due in part to the large size of the EU Single Market and feedback loops based on the economics of product markets that Vogel and Bradford have focused on in building their theories of “leveling up.” The empirical findings of this work suggest that these authors have not given sufficient consideration to the political strategies followed by global regulatory innovators. In the case of REACH, the EU’s success was not assured as the reform sparked a great deal of political opposition which could have derailed the reform effort at various stages from conception through implementation. EU leadership pushed back on a US-led diplomatic campaign to prevent REACH from being enacted and led a campaign of persuasion in the WTO that was successful enough to buy enough to time to allow the law to take effect and REACH implementation programs to win acceptance by industry that REACH could serve as the de-facto standard of chemical safety compliance globally. Eventually REACH triggered a series of de-jure changes in law among leading trading partners towards increasing stringency and broader coverage, including in the US where Congress surprisingly passed a bi-partisan reform of its existing TSCA law in 2016. This study will incorporate into its theory of global regulatory politics an important place for the characteristic political strategy practiced by the main political movements that dominate the EU. This approach, which I call the Global Political Strategy approach, builds on Vogel, Bradford and institutionalist approaches but extends it in ways that may allow researchers to make better predictions about when attempts to shift global governance in important issue areas will succeed and when they will fail. According to this Global Political Strategy approach, EU has achieved governance success with REACH for four reasons. First, it has sufficient economic power expressed in the size of its home market for chemicals. Second, the EU can deploy the regulatory capacity needed to write and enforce REACH, with such capacity understood chiefly as the power to successfully establish a universal registration requirement and exclude products and services from its home market if they are not registered or if they are deemed unreasonably dangerous and excluded from the marketplace. Third. the markets for chemical products display characteristics that make exit from the European market costly for both European and International actors and encourages “trading up” to higher standards more generally (i.e. the markets exhibit “inelasticity” and “non-divisibility”). Finally, the EU deployed an effective political strategy that overcame international opposition to its preferred policies and discouraged rivals. This last element has not yet been sufficiently explored in previous studies of the case, and is an important gap filled by this work. Through its well-thought out and flexible political strategy, EU gained first-mover advantage in chemicals policy and thereby molded of the behavior of key actors to win international acceptance of its policy preferences despite strong international resistance led by the United States. Careful examination of REACH using the tools of process tracing sheds light on mechanisms that could lead to a better understanding of global governance and to more precise specification of boundary conditions under which assertions of state economic power over global markets succeed and when they do not. / Political Science

This dissertation consists of three separate but interrelated studies examining the formation and management of tax policies. The first study uses stakeholder theory (ST) to investigate the strategic management practices of the Transport for London (TfL) during discrete stages in the adoption, implementation, and amendments of the tax policy reform known as the London Congestion Charge (LCC). Results indicate that TfL has utilized power, legitimacy, and urgency as its main policy management tactics with a significant emphasis on legitimatizing the LCC and its subsequent policy amendments. The second study draws on social exchange theory (SET) to reexamine the relationship between corporations and legislators during tax policy processes. Data for the study come from publicly available political action committee (PAC) contribution activities surrounding the Energy Independence and Security Act of 2007 (EISA07). By examining the endogeneity between legislators’ voting patterns and PAC contributions by corporations, this study aims to refine empirical work on corporate political strategy, especially as it relates to crucial tax provisions embedded within an intensely debated policy proposal. Using simultaneous equations modeling (SEM), results are consistent with SET showing that an implicit and reciprocal relationship exists between corporations and legislators. This relationship affects the interdependence of how legislators vote for public policies and the amount of corporations’ financial contributions to legislators. The third study investigates and aims to validate the empirical applicability of Dahan’s (2005) typology of political resources in explicating the political interactions between stakeholder groups and legislators in the development of EISA07. I discuss how and why the mode of operations and various political resources employed by stakeholder groups affected the iii final EISA07 language concerning domestic production deduction tax credits for the oil and gas industry. Publicly available data show that both supporting and opposing stakeholder groups employ tactics consistent with Dahan’s (2005) typology. However, both stakeholder groups tend to use an interactive or positive political approach to gain access and favor of legislators instead of an adversarial approach. Ultimately, the tax credits were preserved. Taken as a whole, the three studies advance the tax and public policy research literature in accounting by studying how and why relevant stakeholders affect the formation and ongoing management of public and tax policies

This study utilizes theories from the population ecology and political strategy to make inferences about the mobilization and maintenance of gay and lesbian interest groups. Interest organizations typically have high mortality rates and are constantly replaced by new organizations. By noticing population ecology trends throughout the history of a specific population of interest organization, the entrepreneurs of a specific organization will be better able to develop an effective mobilization and maintenance strategy to keep their organization alive in the long run and allow the organization to effect more change in the broader political environment.

Review of Nation Builder: John Quincy Adams and the Grand Strategy of the Republic by Charles N. Edel.

The employer, the state, long had the right to unilaterally set wages and determine working conditions. The goverment employees lacked the right to negotiate and sign agreements and to strike. This dissertation focuses on government employees, analyzing their identity and the strategies they chose to deal with their relationship to their employer. The perspective is that of the railway stations staff, postmen and other low-ranking civil servants employed by the Swedish National Railway and the Royal Post Office 1897-1937. The state became bureaucratized during the latter part of the 19th century. Bureaucratization of the goverment´s status as employer was necessary, but at the same time not sufficient to meet the demands of securing operations and of loyal personnel. Therefore bureaucratization was combined with other strategies, especially patriarchalism at the beginning of the 20th century. Through the growth of a discourse concerning "we in the department" strong bonds were created between superiors and subordinates in the department. Later the bureacracy was combined with corporative elements in the employer strategy of the state. For the Railway Workers´Union and the Postal Workers´Union a political strategy became the main and natural choice, considering the employer´s position of superiority. The political role of the employer was a foundation for the state employees´choise of strategy. This political strategy was one of servility and respect at the beginning of the 20th century, but later on borrowed elements of and actual content from trade union and professional strategies. The ideal for a state employee became that of a man with regular post who wore a uniform. There was a close connection between the collective identity of lower civil servants and the identity they were ascribed by their employer. Because of the strenght of the masculine identity this bore the characteristics of brotherhood.

Submitted by ANA GRAZIELE L TOLEDO (anagraziele@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-03-31T19:49:23Z No. of bitstreams: 1 AÇÕES POLÍTICAS OU ESTRATÉGIAS POLÍTICAS -- VERSÃO FINAL.pdf: 1161302 bytes, checksum: f0128c0e493ca8d55f6d8c40335e57fe (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Pamela Beltran Tonsa (pamela.tonsa@fgv.br) on 2016-03-31T20:01:28Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 AÇÕES POLÍTICAS OU ESTRATÉGIAS POLÍTICAS -- VERSÃO FINAL.pdf: 1161302 bytes, checksum: f0128c0e493ca8d55f6d8c40335e57fe (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-31T21:42:51Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 AÇÕES POLÍTICAS OU ESTRATÉGIAS POLÍTICAS -- VERSÃO FINAL.pdf: 1161302 bytes, checksum: f0128c0e493ca8d55f6d8c40335e57fe (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-14 / The political market is one in which buyers and suppliers negotiate public policies in the similar way to what happens in economic markets: using political strategies. Are notable advances the literature to discuss the effectiveness of these strategies and their relationship to the performance of companies that use them. However, the development of the structure and attractiveness of the political market is still incipient, especially, to explain if the political strategies have the same nature as the market strategies: they represent the company's position in the political market (CAVES; Porter, 1977; Porter, 1980b; HILLMAN; Keim, 1995; HILLMAN; HITT, 1999; BONARDI; HILLMAN; KEIM, 2005). Thus, the objective of this study is to analyze the nature of the actions taken by companies in order to find out if these actions are configured as actual strategies. For this, we used an experimental methodology that modeled the light of game theory, tested determining causal relationships positioning companies in political markets. These relationships were based on the concepts of mobility barriers and isolation mechanisms and were observed in relation to the boss of the political issue and organizational routines. The variables were tested in two different experimental treatments in which subjects were students of the Management degree course, which randomly composed the experimental groups. The results of the experimental sessions showed the existence of positioning of the companies in relation to political strategies according to two variables tested: companies do not change the political strategy in the presence of established organizational routines nor do when there is political issue salience. These findings allow us to advance the discussion of the structure and attractiveness of political markets since proved that even in markets with outcome not differentiated as public policy, companies seek to model and protect unique strategies in the search for better performance. / O mercado político é aquele no qual demandantes e fornecedores negociam políticas públicas de forma semelhante ao que ocorre em mercados econômicos, ou seja, utilizando-se de estratégias políticas. São notáveis os avanços da literatura em discutir a eficiência destas estratégias e sua relação com o desempenho das empresas que as utilizam. No entanto, o desenvolvimento da estrutura e atratividade dos mercados políticos ainda é insipiente, principalmente no sentido de explicar se as estratégias políticas possuem a mesma natureza que as estratégias de mercado, ou seja, se representam o posicionamento da empresa no mercado político (CAVES; PORTER, 1977; PORTER, 1980b; HILLMAN; KEIM, 1995; HILLMAN; HITT, 1999; BONARDI; HILLMAN; KEIM, 2005). Desta forma, o objetivo deste trabalho é analisar a natureza das ações realizadas pelas empresas com a finalidade de descobrir se estas ações se configuram como estratégias propriamente ditas. Para isso, utilizou-se de uma metodologia experimental que, modelada à luz da teoria dos jogos, testou relações causais determinantes do posicionamento de empresas em mercados políticos. Estas relações basearam-se nos conceitos de barreiras de mobilidade e mecanismos de isolamento e foram observadas em relação à saliência da political issue e rotinas organizacionais. As variáveis foram testadas em dois tratamentos experimentais distintos nos quais os sujeitos foram alunos do curso de graduação de Administração, que aleatoriamente compuseram os grupos experimentais. Os resultados das sessões experimentais evidenciaram a existência de posicionamento das empresas em relação às estratégias políticas de acordo com as duas variáveis testadas: as empresas não mudam a estratégia política na presença de rotinas organizacionais estabelecidas e tampouco o fazem quando há saliência da political issue. Estes achados permitem avançar a discussão da estrutura e atratividade dos mercados políticos uma vez que comprovam que mesmo em mercados com outcome não diferenciado como as políticas públicas, as empresas buscam modelar e proteger estratégias únicas na busca pela melhor performance.

Ce travail de recherche vise à investiguer la relation entre la critique à l'encontre des entreprises et les stratégies individuelles et collectives qu'elles déploient afin d'y faire face et de l'exploiter. L'étude du cas du champ du médicament orphelin aux États-Unis et en Europe permet de montrer la capacité des entreprises à récupérer la critique et à élaborer des réponses stratégiques leur permettant de saisir et/ou de créer de nouvelles opportunités et d'identifier et/ou faire face à de nouvelles menaces. Cette thèse contribue aussi à la compréhension du processus de construction d'un nouveau champ organisationnel et montre le rôle important des parties prenantes dans ce processus. / This research intends to investigate the relationship between criticism of firms and individual and collective strategies they use to address and exploit it. The case study of the orphan drug field in the United States and Europe shows the ability of firms to recover criticism and develop strategic responses allowing them to seize and/or create new opportunities and to identify and/or address new threats. This dissertation also contributes to the understanding of the process of constructing a new organizational field and shows the important role of stakeholders in this process.