There has been a substantial change in cemetery administration over the last century. Where once cemeteries were predominantly run by religious organizations, now they are mostly run by local municipalities. This thesis examines the change in cemetery administration, using the cemeteries in the city of Hamilton, Ontario as a case study, drawing on material taken from an inventory of Hamilton cemeteries. The Ontario Cemetery Act of 1913 is examined to see how it helped to consolidate municipal power over cemeteries. <br /><br /> In addition to secularization theory, relevant concepts are also applied from the works of Talcott Parsons, Max Weber and Michel Foucault. The analysis suggests that the laicization of cemeteries is part of ongoing rationalizing trends in the larger society. The connection between cemeteries and changes in how we think about human bodies and death is also investigated. Rationalization is linked to a marginalization of the meaning of death as death itself moves from a religious understanding to the control of professionals and bureaucracies like hospitals and funeral homes.

There has been a substantial change in cemetery administration over the last century. Where once cemeteries were predominantly run by religious organizations, now they are mostly run by local municipalities. This thesis examines the change in cemetery administration, using the cemeteries in the city of Hamilton, Ontario as a case study, drawing on material taken from an inventory of Hamilton cemeteries. The Ontario Cemetery Act of 1913 is examined to see how it helped to consolidate municipal power over cemeteries. <br /><br /> In addition to secularization theory, relevant concepts are also applied from the works of Talcott Parsons, Max Weber and Michel Foucault. The analysis suggests that the laicization of cemeteries is part of ongoing rationalizing trends in the larger society. The connection between cemeteries and changes in how we think about human bodies and death is also investigated. Rationalization is linked to a marginalization of the meaning of death as death itself moves from a religious understanding to the control of professionals and bureaucracies like hospitals and funeral homes.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / O objetivo geral desta dissertaÃÃo de mestrado à discutir a crise do sindicalismo contemporÃneo, tendo como foco empÃrico as relaÃÃes entre professores da rede estadual do Cearà e sua entidade representativa, o sindicato APEOC, abarcando o perÃodo que vai da greve de 2011 atà o presente. Essa discussÃo buscarà elucidar as consequÃncias daquela greve na relaÃÃo entre base e sindicalistas, visto que aquele movimento foi encerrado deixando tensÃes entre os sujeitos relacionados. Para a realizaÃÃo desta pesquisa, o campo empÃrico eleito se compÃe dos ambientes de interaÃÃo da base com o sindicato, tais como: manifestaÃÃes pÃblicas, assembleias gerais e outros. AlÃm disso, foi realizado levantamento de dados em duas escolas da rede estadual do CearÃ: uma na capital, Fortaleza, e outra no interior. O objetivo disso à buscar apreender as visÃes desses sujeitos sobre a atuaÃÃo do seu sindicato no perÃodo analisado. A pesquisa de campo na escola da capital ocorreu entre fevereiro e maio de 2014. Jà na escola do interior, a investigaÃÃo ocorreu entre julho e dezembro do mesmo ano. O texto da dissertaÃÃo apresenta a narrativa da greve, a partir do recurso metodolÃgico dos dramas sociais, seguindo as formulaÃÃes de Victor Turner, a anÃlise dos elementos de tensÃo e conflito entre as partes, durante e apÃs o movimento grevista e as posturas dos professores entrevistados das duas escolas escolhidas como campo empÃrico. Alguns resultados encontrados foram: que a greve de 2011 gerou conflitos entre direÃÃo sindical e base, que se mantÃm atà os dias atuais; que esses revelam processos de oligarquizaÃÃo, burocratizaÃÃo e relativa estatizaÃÃo do sindicato APEOC, que fomentam sua crise de representatividade, desmobilizando a base. Ademais, os docentes percebem em sua profissÃo o que GraÃa Druck denomina de desmantelamento, o que foi confirmado pela anÃlise de leis relacionadas à atividade, alÃm da forma como o Plano de Cargos, Carreiras e SalÃrios foi estruturado apÃs 2011. A dissertaÃÃo conclui que o desmantelamento se apresenta como uma forma de fragmentaÃÃo da categoria ao pulverizar as demandas dos professores, o que à potencializado pela sua fragmentaÃÃo interna, isto Ã, pelos conflitos internos à categoria relacionados à forma como a greve de 2011 foi encerrada. / This Masterâs dissertation general goal is to discuss the contemporary labor union crisis, having as empirical focus the relationship between teachers from the state of Cearà and their representative entity, the APEOC union, covering the period from the 2011 strike until now. This discussion will seek to elucidate the consequences of that strike on the relationship between the grass roots and the union leaders, given that that movement was ended leaving tensions between the related subjects. To carry out this research, the chosen empirical field consists of the interactions environments between the grass roots and the union leaders, just as: demonstrations, general assemblies and others. Moreover, data was collected in two schools from the state of CearÃ: one in the capital, Fortaleza, and another in the interior. The goal is to understand these subjectsâ visions on the role of their labor union in the analyzed period. The field research in the school of the capital occurred between February and May of 2014. In the interior one, the investigation occurred between July and December of the same year. The dissertation text presents the narrative of the strike, from social dramas methodological resources, following Victor Turnerâs formulations, the analysis of elements of tension and conflicts between the parts during and after the strike movement and the position of interviewed teachers from the two schools chosen as empirical field. Some of the results founded out were: the 2011 strike has generated conflicts between the union leaders and the grass roots; these conflicts reveal processes of oligarchization, bureaucratization and relative nationalization of APEOC union, that foster its representativeness crisis, demobilizing the grass roots. Furthermore, the teaching staff perceived in their profession what GraÃa Druck names dismantling, what was confirmed by the analysis of laws related to the activity, besides how the Plan of Posts, Careers and Salaries was restructured after 2011. The dissertation concluded that the dismantling appears as a way of fragmentation of the category when it sprays teacherâs demands, what is enhanced by its intern fragmentation, namely, by the categoryâs intern conflicts related to the way the 2011 strike was ended.

Individual membership is a widespread phenomenon in society. However, despite its well-documented empirical presence, there is a lack of knowledge concerning the meaning of that specific relation between members and their organizations.  This study sets out to analyze how top-level leaders and officials in membership-based and democratically governed federations perceive membership. The federations included are: the Swedish Red Cross, the Swedish Teachers’ Union, the Swedish Union of Tenants, the Swedish Co-operative Union, the Swedish Football Association, the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Mission Covenant Church of Sweden, the Swedish Association of the Visually Impaired, and the International Organization of Good Templars in Sweden. The analysis explores linkages between the interviewees’ perceptions of membership, these federations and their societal context. The study suggests that the federations can be described as hourglass constructs, involving a hybridization of democracy and bureaucracy. These hybrids, and the societal context, are also discussed in relation to the Swedish notion of folkrörelse. A reconsidered model for membership is developed in order to offer a nuanced picture of how the meaning of membership evolves through the continuous interplay between acting agents, culture, and social structure. The analysis reveals that the notion of folkrörelse is deeply embedded in the per­ceptions of membership. Furthermore, membership is an important part of the identity of these organizations, and contributes to the legitimization of their existence. It can be understood as a boundary-defining relation with a gate-keeping function. Moreover, it represents a channel for mobilizing resources, and constitutes a base for specific member roles, such as members as principals and members as customers. The dis­cussion highlights oligarchic tendencies and increased bureaucratization in these federations, as well as a drift towards commercialization, which also seems to propel a gradual commodification of membership. / Diss. Stockholm : Handelshögskolan, 2008

Au lendemain du Compromis de 1867, l’administration ministérielle de Budapest répond à un double héritage. Elle hérite d’un côté de l’« administration noble » des comitats (nobile officium de l’auto-administration des nobles dans la fonction publique élective), tandis que de l’autre, l’empreinte du néo-absolutisme rappelle la tradition de professionnalisation de l’administration centrale de l’Autriche, qui comme la Prusse organise un « fonctionnariat » dès le milieu du XVIIIe siècle. Aussi, ce double héritage structure les deux « niveaux » de l’administration : alors que l’administration régionale reste aux mains des notables locaux, une bureaucratie d’État émerge dans les institutions centrales, dont par ailleurs le personnel s’embourgeoise.Cette thèse propose une approche empirique des enjeux que recouvre le développement de l’administration centrale de l’ « ère bourgeoise » en Hongrie. Pour cela, le personnel des ministères est abordé à travers deux axes principaux : la professionnalisation de l’administration, et l’embourgeoisement de l’élite ministérielle. Une étude détaillée du recrutement social, de la formation académique et enfin des carrières des hauts fonctionnaires de l’administration ministérielle apporte un nouvel éclairage à ces questions. Par-delà le lustre des bals de cours, des cérémonies officielles et des casinos de la capitale, c’est bien ces aspects que s’efforce de mettre à jour le présent travail, dans une démarche quantitative appuyée par des statistique descriptives. / Following the Compromise of 1867, the ministerial administration in Budapest relates to a double inheritance. On the one side, there is the « administration of the nobles » of the counties, nobile officium of the elective public service of the noble class. On the other hand, neo-absolutism manifests itself in the tradition of the professionalization of Austria’s central administration, following the steps of Prussia’s civil service model since the mid-18th century. This way the double inheritance structures the two levels of the hungarian administration: with the regional management remaining in the hands of the local nobility, and a state bureaucracy gradually becoming « gentrified », and emerging in the central institutions.The present thesis proposes an empirical approach to the major issues of the central administration’s development in Hungary of the « bourgeois era ». The study of the ministerial personnel will proceed along two main axes: the administration’s professionalization and the bourgeoisification of the ministerial elite.Descriptive statistics provided by this quantitative study shall shed new lights on the recruitment mechanisms in relation to social status, academic formation and career of the ministerial high-ranking civil servants - sterner aspects of their lives beyond the usual scintillating court balls and grand official ceremonies.

Submitted by Elaine Afonso null (laine.afonso@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-29T13:10:43Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertação Elaine.pdf: 1462335 bytes, checksum: 5bd098d25b8724742426b051a6b2fdc2 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Monique Sasaki (sayumi_sasaki@hotmail.com) on 2017-09-29T18:56:56Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 afonso_e_me_sjrp.pdf: 1462335 bytes, checksum: 5bd098d25b8724742426b051a6b2fdc2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-09-29T18:56:56Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 afonso_e_me_sjrp.pdf: 1462335 bytes, checksum: 5bd098d25b8724742426b051a6b2fdc2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-09-04 / Este trabalho consiste no estudo das relações entre modernidade, racionalização e violência no livro É isto um homem?, de Primo Levi. Este autor é um judeu italiano, personagem central de sua obra, que consiste no testemunho daquilo que viveu em Auschwitz, um dos maiores campos de concentração nazista. No livro, o autor recria, por meio da linguagem, um mundo extraliterário, o do campo, com sua arquitetura própria, sua organização interna e suas formas de controle e extermínio. Primo Levi narra as atrocidades cometidas por seres humanos contra outros seres humanos, de uma forma bárbara, deixando claro que, quando a luta é pela sobrevivência, os valores éticos e morais são postos à prova; ao mesmo tempo em que, no caso do carrasco, verdadeiras faces se revelam, trazendo à tona a força da barbárie e sua capacidade de ultrapassar todos os limites humanos. Primo Levi narra os fatos sentindo-se como que incumbido de um dever moral para com a sociedade, dever de falar em nome daqueles que não sobreviveram. Apesar da dificuldade de representação de sua experiência traumática, Levi expõe todo um sistema burocraticamente organizado que possibilitou que Auschwitz chegasse a ser o próprio horror; lugar onde a razão instrumentalizada desfez os princípios iluministas de progresso e animalizou os homens, condenados a uma violência destrutiva e mortífera, que, por sua vez, foi subsidiada pela própria noção de progresso e desenvolvimento técnico que marcou os ideais da modernidade. / This work aims at studying the relationship that exists among modernity, rationalization and violence in the book Is this a man?, by Primo Levi. This author is an Italian Jewish, the central character of his book, which consists in the testimony of what he lived in Auschwitz, one of the biggest Nazi concentration camps. In the book, the author recreates, through language, an extra literary world, that of the camp, with its own architecture, its organization and ways of control and extermination. Primo Levi tells the atrocities committed, in a barbaric way, by human beings against other human beings, which makes clear that, when the fight is for survival, ethical and moral values are tested; likewise, in the case of the executioner, true faces are revealed, showing the force of barbarism and its capacity of exceeding all the human limits. Levi tells the facts feeling as if in charge of a moral duty towards the society, the duty of speaking for those who did not survive. Despite the difficulties of representation of his traumatic experience, Levi exposes the whole bureaucratically organized system that made possible that Auschwitz ended up being the horror itself; the place where the instrumentalized reason destroyed the illuminist principles of progress and made men become animals, condemned to a destructive and deadly violence, that was subsidized by the notion of progress and technical development, which were signals of the modernity purposes.

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Initiée par Wolfgang J. Mommsen (1930-2004), la réception dominante de la pensée politique de Max Weber (1864-1920) conclut qu’il aura été un penseur précurseur au fascisme allemand. Ce mémoire revient aux textes politiques de Weber, écrits entre 1895 et 1919, afin de dégager le sens qu’il voulait leur conférer, indépendamment du rôle historique qu’ils purent jouer après sa mort. Il s’agit donc de reconstituer la pensée politique wébérienne dans le contexte social qui l’a vu naître et de saisir l’origine politique de la sociologie wébérienne de l’action. Pour y parvenir, un détour par l’histoire s’impose. Ce n’est que par la mise en relation, proposée dès le chapitre I, entre les écrits politiques et la configuration historique particulière de l’Allemagne wilhelmienne qu’il est possible de concilier deux dimensions dont l’une ou l’autre est souvent écartée des études wébériennes : l’étude d’acteurs historiques précis (Max Weber et ses contemporains) et la pensée wébérienne à proprement parler (les écrits). Nous verrons que Weber craint le processus de bureaucratisation inhérent à la sphère politique moderne de peur qu’il n’en vienne à pétrifier l’existence humaine. Le chapitre II examine l’opposition de Weber à cette « possibilité objective » afin de préserver les conditions d’une liberté individuelle authentique. C’est par la figure du chef charismatique, initialement développée dans le cadre de ses travaux scientifiques et présentée au chapitre III, que Weber croit pouvoir prévenir les pires conséquences du processus de bureaucratisation. Il s’agira alors de produire un édifice institutionnel propice à l’émergence de tels hommes politiques. Le dernier chapitre (IV) du mémoire cherche à démontrer comment Weber tente d’instrumentaliser la césarisation, second processus constitutif de la sphère politique moderne, pour l’opposer à la bureaucratisation. Sous le régime monarchiste, c’est par un renforcement des pouvoirs parlementaires qu’il compte y parvenir, mais la proclamation de la République de Weimar l’oblige à adapter son projet constitutionnel ; il propose alors la démocratie plébiscitaire de chef (Führerdemokratie). Si la conception wébérienne de la démocratie surprend, notamment par l’importance qu’elle accorde au chef, il n’en demeure pas moins que Weber met de l’avant un système politique démocratique. Loin de l’abandon de son projet politique auquel certains critiques ont conclu, la Führerdemokratie se révèle plutôt – c’est la thèse de ce mémoire — le fruit de la fidélité de Weber à ses idéaux politiques, et ce malgré les importants changements sociaux qui marquent la fin de sa vie. / Initiated by Wolfgang J. Mommsen (1930-2004), the dominant understanding of Max Weber’s (1864-1920) political thought concludes that it ultimately led to German fascism. This master’s thesis reflects upon Weber’s political texts, written between 1895 and 1919, in order to grasp the meaning their author intended to give them, notwithstanding the historical role these texts may have played after his passing. We will therefore reconstitute the Weberian political thought in the social context that witnessed its coming and understand the political origin of Weberian theory on social actions. To that end, we must review history. Only by establishing a relationship, as described as early as Chapter I, between political writings and Wilhelmine Germany’s specific historical configuration is it possible to reconcile two dimensions, as either is often disregarded in Weberian studies: the study of specific historical characters (Max Weber, the man and his contemporaries) et Weberian thought itself (Weber’s writings). We will see that Weber fears that the bureaucratization process inherent to the modern political sphere as it may well petrify human existence. Chapter II reviews Weber’s opposition to such an objective possibility in order to preserve the basis to a true individual liberty. According to Weber, it is through the political direction of a charismatic leader, a figure initially developed his scientific works and presented in Chapter III, that the direst consequences of the bureaucratization process can be averted. An environment favorable to such political men will then have to be institutionalized. The last chapter (IV) of this master’s thesis will demonstrate how Weber tries to use caesarization, the second constitutive process of the modern political sphere, as a means against such a bureaucratization. Under the monarchy, he intends to succeed by strengthening the parliamentary powers. However, the Weimar Republic forces him to adapt his constitutional project: hence his suggestion of a plebiscitary leader democracy. Because of the focus on the leader one might be surprised by Weber’s conception of democracy. What Weber proposes is a democratic political system nonetheless. Far from abandoning his political project, as some critics may conclude, Weber remained true to his ideals, despite the major social changes that occurred at the end of his life.

The employer, the state, long had the right to unilaterally set wages and determine working conditions. The goverment employees lacked the right to negotiate and sign agreements and to strike. This dissertation focuses on government employees, analyzing their identity and the strategies they chose to deal with their relationship to their employer. The perspective is that of the railway stations staff, postmen and other low-ranking civil servants employed by the Swedish National Railway and the Royal Post Office 1897-1937. The state became bureaucratized during the latter part of the 19th century. Bureaucratization of the goverment´s status as employer was necessary, but at the same time not sufficient to meet the demands of securing operations and of loyal personnel. Therefore bureaucratization was combined with other strategies, especially patriarchalism at the beginning of the 20th century. Through the growth of a discourse concerning "we in the department" strong bonds were created between superiors and subordinates in the department. Later the bureacracy was combined with corporative elements in the employer strategy of the state. For the Railway Workers´Union and the Postal Workers´Union a political strategy became the main and natural choice, considering the employer´s position of superiority. The political role of the employer was a foundation for the state employees´choise of strategy. This political strategy was one of servility and respect at the beginning of the 20th century, but later on borrowed elements of and actual content from trade union and professional strategies. The ideal for a state employee became that of a man with regular post who wore a uniform. There was a close connection between the collective identity of lower civil servants and the identity they were ascribed by their employer. Because of the strenght of the masculine identity this bore the characteristics of brotherhood.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:22:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Walson Lopes.pdf: 735926 bytes, checksum: 7762bb05ff18eeafe0d5a4f593586490 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-03-27 / Secretaria da Educação do Estado de São Paulo / The Workers' Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores) began in the early 1980's. At the time, the focus of its political discourse was the struggles for the historical and immediate interests of the working class. This struggle would be independent of the capitalist class and the bourgeois State. According to its first documents, PT's strategic objective was to build a society without exploitation and exploiters . In short, it was founded a party that presented itself as deeply linked to working class, autonomous and socialist, although there were very imprecisions about this last aspect. Moreover, there was a great concern in defending a democratic structure in the party. In thesis, all the militants would have the right to participate effectively of the decisions. However, these seminal characteristics disappeared from PT's political practices and ideas. Focusing on the political trajectory of PT (1979-2002), this research aims to contribute to identify and to analyze some of the innumerable aspects of this process of transformation and capitulation of the Workers' Party / O Partido dos Trabalhadores teve sua origem no início da década de 1980. Neste momento, a centralidade do seu discurso político estava na luta pelos interesses históricos e imediatos da classe trabalhadora. Esta luta seria independente da classe capitalista e do Estado burguês. De acordo com o primeiros documentos, o objetivo estratégico do PT era construir uma sociedade sem explorados nem exploradores . Em suma, fundou-se um partido que se apresentava como classista, autônomo e socialista, ainda que houvesse muita imprecisão sobre este último aspecto. Além disso, houve grande preocupação em construir e defender uma estrutura democrática no partido. Em tese, todos os militantes teriam o direito de participar efetivamente das decisões. Todavia, essas características seminais desapareceram da prática e do projeto político do Partido dos Trabalhadores. Centrando o foco na trajetória política do PT (1979-2002), esta pesquisa visa contribuir para a identificação e análise de alguns aspectos deste processo de transformação e capitulação deste partido