Magister Artium - MA / This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.

The present study is the first of its kind. It is a study about the involvement of Kuwaiti females in sports and physical recreation. The study invesigates both the structures and resources that make female participation in sports and physical recreation possible, and the ideological and physical barriers that prevent girls and young women from taking part. The development of female sports and physical recreation in Kuwait is investigated in relation to relevant historical and political developments, taking particular account of the influence of Islamic ideologies about the role of women in society, women's enfranchisement, and women's bodies. It provides evidence from the Holy Qur'an in support of the need for girls and women to exercise their bodies. The research highlights the contradictory position that Kuwaiti women find themselves in living in a relatively liberal Islamic state with an official discourse of gender equality, but facing traditional and unequal gender divisions in daily life and throughout culture, specifically in sports and physical recreation. Opportunities for females in sports and recreation are tied to the political administration system of the state and the study looks at the present day situation of public provision and resourcing, following the liberation of the country from Iraq, as well as private resources that have developed as a result of westernized, global influences.. The study presents recommendations for Kuwaiti sports policy-makers, planners, and providers - that may be useful, too, for those in other societies in the Arabian Peninsula - concerning sports and physical recreation for Muslim girls and women in the future. The project traces the development of organised sport and physical recreation for females from 1950 until the present day. It includes details of physical education in schools, and the establishment and expansion of sport clubs and other facilities that are now in the country. Reference is made to the role of government agencies and departments - in particular the Public Authority for Youth and Sport (PAYS) that has special responsibility to establish stronger and more specialized opportunities. Since there is virtually no previous research or literature about the topic of girls and young women's involvement in sport and physical recreation in Kuwait, the main method of data collection was through questionnaires and interviews, supported by documentary evidence, including official statements.

This study aims to bring clarity to a discussion of whether the Chinese relationship with Africa can be regarded as an act of Neo-colonialism or if it contains Neo-colonial elements. As China has increasingly engaged with the continent giving extensive amounts of foreign aid and loans as well as intensifying their trade relations, the question arises whether or not this can be connected to Neo-colonial dynamics. This study will use a newly constructed framework with the help of the Neo-colonial theory, different definitions by scholars will be used to create the framework, and the basis for this analysis. The research approach is a qualitative design and the research design is a case study with a focus on China's engagement in Africa. This study finds that there are Neo-colonial elements in the processes of engagement exercised by China on the African continent in some of the variables used in the constructed theoretical framework. Lastly, this study argues that African states must be increasingly cautious when exporting raw materials and in letting private Chinese companies invest and buy shares in important African domestic sectors.

Mass shootings are one of the most discussed issues in American society. While it is evident who the main victims are, the impact of such an event reaches far beyond the lives that were directly impacted. One of the main effects mass shootings have been found to have is a spike in gun sales (Wallace, 2015; Studert et. al., 2017 ; Turchan et. al., 2017). This finding has been found time and time again by academic and non-academic researchers, and it is one of the most commonly believed ideas regarding the effects of mass shootings (Aish & Keller, 2016). The current study builds on previous research to determine whether a Democratic Government has a moderating effect on the mass shootings - gun sales relationship. There are two main hypotheses. Hypothesis one is that mass shootings increase gun sales. Hypothesis two predicts that when Democrats are in power, the increase in gun sales following a mass shooting is higher than when Republicans are in power. This hypothesis comes from the idea that gun enthusiasts will not only fear attacks, but they will also fear changes in gun regulation when Democrats are in power (Adams & Daniel, 2017). To test this hypothesis, a Democratic Government variable was created, and it measured which party controls the Presidency, and holds majority at the House of Representatives, and the Senate. Using FBI background check information as a proxy for gun sales, OLS regressions determined hypothesis one did not have support, while hypothesis two was partially supported, meaning the interaction between a Democratic Government and mass shootings is relevant to gun sales. It is worth noting that this relationship went in the opposite direction than what was expected, since it was found that Democrats holding office actually lead to a decrease in gun sales following a mass shooting. An explanation for why this might be the case, and why the first hypothesis was not supported is presented. Study limitations and future research directions are also discussed.

This research paper was submitted to the Department of Geography in fulfillment of the requirements of Geography 4C6. / <p>This paper examines the way political and monetary influences effect the siting process for noxious facilities. Understanding their effects is an important first step to controlling them so that social and environmental equity is maintained.</p> <p>How is it that certain agents are able to have more political influence than others. The role of different types of political influence, the differences between governmental and non-governmental agents, the differences between Primary and Secondary agents and the differences between the potential to create influence and inherent political influence will all be examined. The way these elements combine to create political influence is important to understand how certain agents are able to effect the siting of noxious facilities.</p> <p>The construction of an hierarchy of power will be attempted, taking into consideration the above factors as well as some internal factors such as the credibility, reputation, commitment and strategies used, of the individual agents. Monetary influences are easily defined, and will also be taken into consideration.</p> <p>These elements of political and monetary influences will be examined in the context of a siting process which occurred in Hal ton Region over a waste disposal site. Each agent involved in the siting decision will be examined, using the above elements to determine if the hierarchy is correct and, if the agent with the most political and monetary influences is in fact, the agent to effect the siting of that noxious facility.</p> / Thesis / Bachelor of Arts (BA)

No description available.

Magister Commercii - MCom / This thesis focuses on the National Prosecuting Authority (NPA) of South Africa between 1998 and 2017, by looking at whether it acts as an independent institution and if it strengthens the quality of democracy in the country. The research addresses various sub-research questions such as, what is independence? What is a quality democracy? Is the NPA able to foster democratic accountability? It further assesses to which extent executive influence and leadership instability affect the independence of the NPA, by looking at the relationship between the executive – the state Presidents’ and government officials – and the NPA, over the years, in terms of the law practiced. And lastly, whether the role of ANC has affected the NPA. These questions arise out of my interest to understand the NPA in terms of its constitutional mandate and how it impacts democracy. The principal concepts used to date indicates that democracy comprises several procedural norms. These democratic norms – accountability, the constraint of executive power, the separation of powers, and the rule of law form the bases for my research study; while other integral factors include independence, state capture, and dominant party systems. The research methodology for this thesis incorporated qualitative research, a case study, and triangulation. The research also included interviews, with Advocate Shaun Abrahams, Dr Silas Ramaite, Advocate Vusi Pikoli, Advocate Glynnis Breytenbach, Mr Steven Swart, Mr Lawson Naidoo, Mr Paul Hoffman, Dr Jeff Rudin, Professor Lukas Muntingh, Professor Lovell Fernandez, Mr Gareth Newham, and Advocate Mike Pothier as the interviewees. The data analysis and synthesis suggest that the lack of oversight of the NPA alongside the political dominance of the ANC has allowed for an infiltration of political influence within the institution resulting in the selective prosecution of high-profile cases. The data highlights the blurring of lines as a result of state capture which has tainted the NPA’s independence. The importance of this research study lies in the relationship of the NPA and democracy, as an erosion of the NPA essentially correlates with the weakening of democracy. Therefore it is vital to protect our independent institutions, like the NPA, as they strengthen our democracy, assist in upholding the rule of law and the Constitution.

This thesis is a study of why and how an authority model of managing state-owned enterprises has remained popular in Taiwan through the past two decades. The subject was chosen because it has to date, been a neglected subject in the literature on Taiwan, even though it is significant to any serious examination of Taiwan's continuing political development and the government's approach to governance. Taiwan has experienced three major milestones of political democratisation over the period, each greatly enhancing the democratic characteristics of the state and also reflecting a degree of absorption of global political and economic pressures. Taiwan's political democratisation has been widely discussed in recent years, but not much attention has been paid to the effect of the political changes on its public sector management. The discussions have simply speculated that the Taiwanese government no longer uses the authoritarian way of governing the country, in keeping with its promotion of democratic development. However, this research clearly indicates that the change of political regime from the previous Kuomintang (KMT) to the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) has not meant any significant change in the way state-owned enterprises are managed. The approach of the DPP government resembles that of the KMT government in that it continues with an authoritarian way of managing state-owned enterprises, despite the party's long established commitment to a democratic way. In other words, this huge change has not meant state-owned enterprises are any better placed than they were previously in terms of having a greater degree of enterprise management autonomy. This research also shows that Taiwanese governments, regardless of which of the two parties is in power, manipulate state-owned enterprise management using the enterprises as a major means of achieving multiple political objectives. In particular, it has become almost endemic in Taiwan's politics that the ruling party manipulates state-owned enterprise management in order to win political elections and protect its political position. In this sense, it has become evident that the democratic way of governance has still not been used within this part of the government yet.

It has been accepted in the historical discourse that a direct link existed between the participation of Aboriginal people in the Second World War and a new political consciousness of Aboriginal people in Canada generally, and Saskatchewan specifically, immediately after the war. This conclusion has been based on the fact that as soldiers, Aboriginal veterans had gained much experience. They had traveled to various parts of the world, had been treated as equals while fighting alongside non-Aboriginal soldiers and had been celebrated as liberators of Europe. On the return to Canada, they found that the situation of Aboriginal people had not changed. Unwilling to accept the substandard treatment for themselves and their people, it is argued, that the Aboriginal veterans became the focal point for Aboriginal rights' movement. There is in fact no evidence to support the notion that the Aboriginal veterans had a direct role in igniting Aboriginal peoples' political consciousness immediately after the war. In the first five years after the war, Aboriginal veterans were more concerned with readjusting to civilian life. They were young men who possessed few adult civilian life experiences and virtually no political experience. The emphasis on Aboriginal veterans as the political leaders after the war ignores the efforts of the existing leaders who had been involved in politics for many years. Although Aboriginal veterans did not directly influence the political climate, their existence as a group was crucial to the shifting attitude of the Canadian public toward Aboriginal people. The portrayal of Aboriginal veterans by the news media as "progressive Indians" due to their contributions to the war effort, impressed upon Canadians the need for change in the relationship between the Canadian government and Aboriginal people. By the 1950s, as the more socially, economically and to a certain extent, geographically mobile the veterans became the more socially and politically active they became. It is the contention of this research that the impact of their war experience is discernible in two ways. First, immediately after the war, the presence of Aboriginal veterans led to Canadian's re-evaluation of the relationship between Aboriginal people and Canadian government. Second, in the post-war era, Aboriginal veterans became active agents of social and political change. In sum, Aboriginal veterans became, first passive catalysts and, later, engines for social and political change.

It has been accepted in the historical discourse that a direct link existed between the participation of Aboriginal people in the Second World War and a new political consciousness of Aboriginal people in Canada generally, and Saskatchewan specifically, immediately after the war. This conclusion has been based on the fact that as soldiers, Aboriginal veterans had gained much experience. They had traveled to various parts of the world, had been treated as equals while fighting alongside non-Aboriginal soldiers and had been celebrated as liberators of Europe. On the return to Canada, they found that the situation of Aboriginal people had not changed. Unwilling to accept the substandard treatment for themselves and their people, it is argued, that the Aboriginal veterans became the focal point for Aboriginal rights' movement. There is in fact no evidence to support the notion that the Aboriginal veterans had a direct role in igniting Aboriginal peoples' political consciousness immediately after the war. In the first five years after the war, Aboriginal veterans were more concerned with readjusting to civilian life. They were young men who possessed few adult civilian life experiences and virtually no political experience. The emphasis on Aboriginal veterans as the political leaders after the war ignores the efforts of the existing leaders who had been involved in politics for many years. Although Aboriginal veterans did not directly influence the political climate, their existence as a group was crucial to the shifting attitude of the Canadian public toward Aboriginal people. The portrayal of Aboriginal veterans by the news media as "progressive Indians" due to their contributions to the war effort, impressed upon Canadians the need for change in the relationship between the Canadian government and Aboriginal people. By the 1950s, as the more socially, economically and to a certain extent, geographically mobile the veterans became the more socially and politically active they became. It is the contention of this research that the impact of their war experience is discernible in two ways. First, immediately after the war, the presence of Aboriginal veterans led to Canadian's re-evaluation of the relationship between Aboriginal people and Canadian government. Second, in the post-war era, Aboriginal veterans became active agents of social and political change. In sum, Aboriginal veterans became, first passive catalysts and, later, engines for social and political change.