Idea Management (IM) is the process of requesting, collecting, selecting and evaluating ideas to develop new and innovative products, services or regulations, or to improve existing ones. The process is supported by dedicated Idea Management systems (IMS), which lets people propose ideas, as well as rate and place comments on other users’ suggestions. When used in the civic domain, IM serves as a tool to engage citizens in processes of innovation of public services, laws, and regulations. A key ingredient in the success of IM is the community of participants. The larger the community, the more diverse views are likely to appear and diversity of views increases the chances of discovering valuable ideas that can lead to innovations. However, having a large number of people participating in IMS is a hard challenge; it requires an understanding of the people and their needs and designing the technology to match these characteristics. In this thesis, we aim at involving the society at large into IM processes. Achieving this ambitious goal requires integrating IMS with people’s everyday life tools and spaces of participation. We understand that tools for civic engagement should engage people on their own terms and should be readily available. We meet these requirements by proposing an approach that integrates IMS into common physical and virtual spaces of participation enabling people to participate in IM using ordinary tools and without having to step outside their daily habits. In a systematic and extensive study of the literature about technologies used to foster civic engagement in innovation processes, we found that the choice of technology and its “situated- ness” is essential in granting ease of public access and promoting inclusive processes of civic engagement. We also discovered that civic engagement technologies still have room to improve their use of multiple channels of participation. In this regard, we saw social networking sites such as Facebook and Twitter as having a strong potential to lower participation barriers and engage citizens, considering how pervasive these sites are today as daily tools. We show how the lessons learned can be applied in practice by presenting two solutions to increase participation in IMS. The first solution is a platform that extends IMS by integrating them into displays located in public spaces. From this experience, we found that taking the right instruments to where people actually are is important to address specific inequalities regarding access to technology. We also saw that the display represented for citizens not only an opportunity to make their voice being heard but also an occasion for socialization. The second solution is a model and tool that empower IMS through Facebook services. Here we found that the integration with Facebook facilitated participation by reducing the friction related to getting informed and involved in IM. Also, the participants reported that the familiarity and easy to use of Facebook features represented an advantage for participation. We informed the design of both solutions with large- and medium-scale data analysis studies on the behavior (individual and collective), practices, and motivation factors of IM communities’ participants.

The Eurozone crisis and the migration crisis generated a set of decisions at the EU level that aims to jointly mitigate the adverse consequences of economic and political turmoil. However, electoral successes by Eurosceptics at both EU and national levels and shrinking public support for the EU, as evidenced by Eurobarometer surveys, have shown that Euroscepticism has been surging in parallel with tighter cooperation of member states in crisis-ridden policy areas. Consequently, EU institutions have embraced the connecting potential of social media by implementing a series of online communication strategies aimed at selflegitimation and strengthening of public support for European integration. This study addresses the nature of Euroscepticism as reflected in online discussions via conducting a qualitative content analysis of Facebook debates unfolding on the pages of the European Parliament and the European Commission during the peak moments of the Eurozone crisis and the migration crisis. Moreover, the study identifies the public interpretations of different aspects of the two crises framed as existential for the process of European integration. The rhetorical analysis of the Facebook posts reveals how EU institutions utilize social media in order to respond to and normalise public discontent, whereas elite interviews triangulate the findings. The analysis of EU-focused transnational discussions complements the existing studies drawing on public opinion polls regarding public attitudes towards European integration, and re-conceptualises the common explanations for public Euroscepticism, mainly based on utilitarian or cultural hypotheses. The findings stemming from the rhetorical analysis and interviews demonstrate that EU crisis communication perpetuates the ingrained neo-functionalist and elitist modes of interaction despite the novel online communication setting.

Se si prende in considerazione il passato come un argomento della comunicazione politica, allora qual è l'effetto che i sentimenti producono sulla memoria? È possibile parlare di "nostalgia politica" all'interno di una realtà regionalistica? Il nazionalismo è oggetto della ricerca sul regionalismo? Nel Trentino Alto Adige, la regione di confine dominata dal plurilinguismo, la messa in scena dei sentimenti storici rivestì un'importanza particolare durante i decenni dei nazionalismi e regionalismi. Possiamo definire "nostalgici" quei sentimenti che implicavano forme di critica della civiltà di tipo conservativo e che contribuirono allo sviluppo di una coscienza della Heimat. Per mostrare il modo in cui le concezioni o le opinioni personali furono integrate o escluse dai luoghi propri della comunicazione interregionale, sarà necessario sviscerare le forme di espressione politica della nostalgia, intesa come sentimento di trasmissione della memoria.

This doctoral thesis seeks to explore the socio-political economy of antiretroviral treatment (ART) as an HIV prevention strategy in sub-Saharan Africa (SSA) and, specifically, in Mozambique. We begin with a look at the social construction of HIV in SSA as a ‘sexually transmitted disease’ despite its very low transmission efficiency through heterosexual sex. This inordinate focus on sexual transmission in SSA to the exclusion of other routes of transmission (i.e.: blood-borne transmission) not only allows new infections to continue to occur in areas that do not receive attention, but also has both fed and been fed by a political and social climate that paints an extraordinarily negative picture of those who are infected with HIV. Alternatives to the ineffective and misguided sexual behavior prevention paradigm are introduced to conclude Chapter 1. Chapter 2 then explores, in depth, the most efficacious form of HIV prevention currently in existence: antiretroviral treatment (ART) for infected persons. ART for an infected partner is 96% effective at preventing transmission of HIV to an uninfected partner. Due to this startlingly high efficacy and recent increases in coverage, we may be preventing more new cases of HIV annually through ART than through the use of condoms and abstinence combined in Mozambique. The financial implications of a paradigmatic shift to explicitly considering ART as a prevention strategy are discussed, particularly as they relate to PEPFAR's very specific regulations for the allocation of funds. As PEPFAR funding constitutes over 95% of Mozambique's HIV-specific funding, these regulations and earmarks have created deep path dependence and whittled away at national and local ownership of policy. The third chapter of this thesis then focuses on Mozambique's severe human resources for health constraints and current efforts in health systems strengthening. These strategies include task shifting and human resources scale-up, issues which, while being general to the health system, are also inordinately important for continued ART scale-up. The fourth and final chapter contains the case study in Maputo, Mozambique. This qualitative study attempts to examine the effects of the sexual behavior prevention paradigm on people living with HIV and receiving ART. As these patients are our best hope for halting the HIV epidemic, it will be important for us to view our decades-old prevention messages from their point of view and understand how these messages may also affect their adherence as well as their willingness to be tested initially and to enroll in treatment. The interviews were carried out with patients, guardians of pediatric patients and clinicians at two health facilities in Maputo. Analysis of these interviews supports the hypothesis that traditional prevention messages found in public health campaigns, the media and in health facilities themselves, may be creating and exacerbating stigma that discourages people living with HIV to be tested and treated.

Political inclusion of migrants is at the heart of contested scholarly and political debate. The increasing diversity of European democracies and the exclusion of a large part of the resident population from the political process raise questions about social cohesion and the quality of democracy. In the absence of voting rights for migrant residents, associations are often considered as an alternative for voice, representing migrants and defending their interest in the political process. Yet, little is known about the conditions favoring the political inclusion of migrant associations. Studies on migrants associations tend to consider migrant organizations as discrete units acting independently from each other. Yet, migrant associations do not act in a vacuum and are embedded in webs of relations as well as in a wider political context. Social movement scholars implicitly acknowledge an interaction between institutional and relational context in affecting collective action, but studies analyzing this interaction are scarce. Considering only one of the two structures in which associations are embedded might lead to wrong conclusions as to what fosters political inclusion. Thus, the objective of this study is twofold. First it attempts to link two traditions in the social movement literature: the political opportunity theory and the relational approach. Second, it aims at furthering our knowledge on the mechanisms linking the embeddedness of migrants associations in an institutional and a relational context and their political inclusion. Empirically, this study analyzes network structures in the field of immigration and the political inclusion of migrant organizations in Lyon and in Zurich. To analyze network structures the study draws on a relational approach to social movements that provides useful tools for comparing networks across contexts by defining a typology of modes of coordination of collective action. Modes of coordination are the mechanisms through which resources are allocated within collectivities but also how collective representation are elaborated as well as collective identities. The specific opportunities in the field of immigration draw on the citizenship approaches of nation-states to define the opportunities in the field. Two dimensions of political opportunty structures are defined. An institutional dimension, which refers to the rights and duties offered to immigrants as well as the institutional channels available to them, but also resources to actors acting in the field. The cultural dimension refers to the notions of citizenship and national identity that act as discursive opportunities and provide public recognition of different identities in the field. The main argument of this study is that the specific institutional and discursive opportunities in the field of immigration affect the network structure of migrant organizations and that the political inclusion of migrant organizations is affected by the interaction of both structures. Drawing on the social movement literature, this study analyzes the effect of the specific opportunity structure in the field of immigration on network structure and the political inclusion of migrant organizations. The results show that migrant organizations adapt to the specific opportunities when creating alliances, and the networks that emerge vary between the cities under study. Indeed, associations tend to create alliances on the basis of their access to institutional channels, and the publicly recognized identities in the field. Moreover, it shows that the interaction of the opportunity structure and the network structure affects political inclusion of migrant associations. Indeed, the embeddedness of associations in similar relational structures has different outcomes for political inclusion according to the context. The study concludes by stating that analyzing the interaction of specific political opportunity structures and network structures is necessary to get a better understanding of the conditions favoring or hindering the political inclusion of migrant organizations.

O presente trabalho de pesquisa tem por objetivo o estudo da fidelidade partidária, instituto do Direito Eleitoral que pode funcionar como mecanismo legitimador do exercício da representação política. Procuramos estabelecer um sentido para o termo fidelidade e, a partir disso, demonstrar sua relação com as democracias modernas. No Brasil, a fidelidade partidária passou a ser tratada, no âmbito constitucional, pela Carta de 1967. As emendas 1/69 e 11/78 também reservaram tratamento à fidelidade, suprimida do texto constitucional pela emenda 25/85. Nossa atual Constituição reserva aos estatutos partidários o estabelecimento das regras de disciplina e fidelidade partidárias. A importância do tema na órbita político-eleitoral brasileira é em razão do alto índice de migração partidária e as discussões acerca do tema têm como pano de fundo a questão da titularidade dos mandatos eletivos. Recentemente essa discussão foi levada ao Tribunal Superior Eleitoral e ao Supremo Tribunal Federal, que decidiram que os partidos políticos, organismos indispensáveis para a realização das eleições, são os titulares dos mandatos eletivos. Notável a edição da Resolução 22.610/TSE, que impõe a perda do mandato aos mandatários trânsfugas, ressalvando hipóteses de trocas por justa causa. O Congresso Nacional também vem se movimentando em torno do tema, sendo que as PECs 23/2007, de autoria do Senador Marco Maciel, e 124/2007, de autoria do Deputado Wilson Santiago, têm seu trâmite mais acelerado. No direito estrangeiro, encontramos pouca tratativa do tema, já que o respeito aos princípios e ideários partidários é tradição das democracias consolidadas, situação que não dá margem à infidelidade. Explica-se, portanto, a atualidade do tema em cenário brasileiro, onde a democracia ainda está em processo de amadurecimento. / Il presente lavoro di ricerca há come obiettivo lo studio alla fedeltà del partito politico, istituto di Diritto Elettorale che può funzionare come um meccanismo legittimo nellesercizio di rappresentazione politica. Dobbiamo stabilire um senso per il termine di fedeltà e, con questo dimostrare la sua relazione con le democrazie moderne. In Brasile, la fedeltà della persona legata a um partito politico, si è stabilita nellambito costituzionale, attraverso la Constituzione del 1967. Le alterazioni 1/69 e 11/78 anche riservano il trattamento alla fedeltà, eliminato dal testo costituzionale modificato il 25/85. La nostra costituzione reserva agli statuti dei partiti lobbedienza delle regole disciplinari e la fedeltà ad essi enunciati. Limportanza del tema nello spazio politico elettorale brasiliano è una ragione di alto indice di migrazione e le discussioni su questo tema hanno come condizione sine qua non, la questione della posizione ufficiale delle rappresentazioni elettive. Questa discussione è stata riportata al Tribunale Superiore Elettorale e al Supremo Tribunale Federale recentemente, i quali decidirono che i partiti politici, organi indispensabili alla realizzazione delle elezioni, sono i titolari elettivi. Notabile è ledizione della Risoluzione 22.610/TSE, che impone la perdita di questa missione ai mandatari disertori, correggendo le ipotesi di scambio per causa giusta. Il Congresso Nazionale si è manifestato a rispetto di questo tema, essendo che le PECs 23/2007, del Senatore Marco Maciel, e 124/2007, del Deputato Wilson Santiago, hanno tramite più accelerato. Nel Diritto Straniero, incontriamo pochi studi su questo tema, già che il rispetto ai principi e alle idee dei partiti è tradizione delle democrazie consolidate, situazione che non offre margini allinfedelità. Comunque si spiega lattualità del tema nello scenario brasiliano, dove la democrazia ancora è in via di maturità.

I processi di globalizzazione e di individualizzazione che caratterizzano il mondo e le società contemporanee producono inevitabilmente delle ricadute all’interno dei rapporti tra cittadini ed istituzioni. I tradizionali soggetti della rappresentanza politica, i partiti, sembrano annaspare a vantaggio di nuove forme ed esperienze di partecipazione “dal basso”. Il Movimento 5 Stelle, una “giovane” formazione politica nata sulla Rete e capitanata da Beppe Grillo che, cavalcando il malessere e la disaffezione dei cittadini nei confronti della politica tradizionale si è imposta come la principale rivelazione delle elezioni politiche 2013 in Italia, costituisce lo specifico oggetto di studio della ricerca. In particolare, il lavoro di tesi si snoda attraverso due studi di caso: il primo fra gli eletti del Movimento in Parlamento, il secondo all’interno del gruppo di attivisti di base nella città di Firenze. In entrambi i casi, la rilevazione passa attraverso interviste di tipo semi-strutturato al fine di cogliere in profondità elementi di un movimento dalle caratteristiche del tutto peculiari. Nel caso degli attivisti, alle interviste si è aggiunto un periodo di osservazione partecipante all’interno del Meetup: l’obiettivo è quello di fornire una sintesi delle modalità di trasformazione della politica sul territorio, in una realtà mai così in movimento. / The processes of globalization and individualization that characterize our world and contemporary societies do inevitably produce consequences within the relationship between citizens and institutions. Parties, the traditional subjects of political representation, seem like fumbling for the benefit of new participation forms and experiences "from below." The Five Stars Movement, a "young" political formation born on the Net and led by Beppe Grillo, riding the malaise and indifference of the citizens towards traditional politics (and whose emergence has been the main surprise of the 2013 italian national elections) has the specific subject of the research. Particularly, the thesis does investigate two case studies: the first among the elected of the Five Stars Movement in the italian Parliament, the second within its local group in Florence. In both cases, the detection goes through semi-structured interviews in order to understand in depth elements of a movement with quite peculiar characteristics. In the local activists’ case, a period of participant observation within the Florence’s Meetup has been added to the interviews, with the aim of providing a summary of the transformation of politics in the territory, in such a moving world.

This master thesis presents an analysis of two personalities Tomáš Garrigue Masaryk and Karel Kramář before the First World War. The main theme of this paper is to description their complicated relationship. Next part of this paper describes their political and social activities, their opinions and life attitudes at this time. This thesis is based on examination of their mutual correspondence. The purpose of this paper is to present comparison, analysis and interpretation of the relationship of T. G. Masaryk and K. Kramář in the Austro-Hungarian Empire.

The main topic of this thesis is the perspective of young people within political party structures. The author bases her research on the assumption that, in the Czech Republic, the younger generation of party members is not sufficiently represented within political parties, and that political parties do not create ballot papers that fairly represent the young candidates. However, the author also assumes that Czech political parties are aware of the under-representation of young politicians within their structures, and consistently try to work with this. The objective of this dissertation is, therefore, to more explicitly explain whether and if so then how Czech political parties officially define the position of young people within the inner structures of the parties, how large the representation of young people is on ballot papers for representative bodies, and to demonstrate how Czech political parties generally approach this issue.The author defines the young political generation as people over 18 but under 35 years old. The research section of this thesis is based on an analysis of official regulations of chosen political parties. An analysis of the ballot papers of the same political parties for the 2013 Chamber of Deputies election and for the 2012 regional representative bodies election was also carried out.The approach of political parties to their youngest members is based on a survey carried out by the author.

European democracies have witnessed the progressive affirmation of populist parties in the last two decades. This thesis draws from the suggestions of the theoretical literature on populism to study why European citizens support populist parties. In doing so, the aim of this thesis is twofold: on the one hand, it applies the ideational approach to populism to investigate support for populism from a comparative perspective; on the other hand, it seeks to understand how demand-side and supply-side factors contribute to explaining the cross-country and temporal heterogeneity in their electoral performances. This thesis focuses on two demand-side factors (i.e., social marginalisation and sociotropic concerns about economy) and two factors of the supply-side (i.e., liberal institutional arrangements and party competition). The results show that, first, populist parties attract significant support from citizens perceiving socially marginalised, especially in wealthy and globalised contexts; whereas sociotropic concerns about economy do not lead to higher support for populism. Second, liberal institutional arrangements increase the anti-institutional appeal of populist parties; whereas party competition on a core element of the far-right populist ideology (nativism) does not affect support for far-right populism to a great extent. This thesis shows that an approach that integrates both demand and supply side perspectives is beneficial to understand the reasons underlying support for populism.