It has been written extensively on the EU’s evolving role in the global economy. A mere numeric analysis tells the story about the world’s greatest economic actor that continuously grows in both scope and magnitude. However, due to an increased politicisation of global economic interactions, the matter is not that simple. Scholars agree that the USA, since the end of the Cold War, has been the preeminent actor, arranging, facilitating and maintaining the liberalisation of the global economy. Amongst these scholars, there is a consensus that the EU has developed its position within the framework for which the USA has pioneered and provided. The question is what happens when the USA withdraws from its global commitments and runs a policy counter to fundamental European interests and values? Through a detailed investigation of the European efforts to counter the American withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action and the reactions from the number of actors affected, I capture the extent to which the EU arrives at operating credibly and autonomously of the USA on an issue of strategic interest. My conclusion is that the EU’s agency in global affairs is restricted by the American position in the increasingly politicised economy. It becomes apparent that the institutional and structural framework within which the EU operates limits the Union’s ability to consolidate its position in global affairs through economic means.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.

The purpose of this research project was to analyze the dialectic of co-optation/domestication and resistance as manifested in the experience of racialized Canadian trade unionists. The seven research participants are racialized rank-and-file members, elected or appointed leaders, retired trade unionists, as well as staff of trade unions and other labour organizations. In spite of the struggle of racialized peoples for racial justice or firm anti-racism policies and programmes in their labour unions, there is a dearth of research on the racialized trade union members against racism, the actual condition under which they struggle, the particular ways that union institutional structures domesticate these struggles, and/or the countervailing actions by racialized members to realize anti-racist organizational goals. While the overt and vulgar forms of racism is no longer the dominant mode of expression in today’s labour movement, its systemic and institutional presence is just as debilitating for racial trade union members. This research has uncovered the manner in which the electoral process and machinery, elected and appointed political positions, staff jobs and formal constituency groups, and affirmative action or equity representational structures in labour unions and other labour organizations are used as sites of domestication or co-optation of some racialized trade unionists by the White-led labour bureaucratic structures and the forces in defense of whiteness. However, racialized trade union members also participate in struggles to resist racist domination. Among some of tools used to advance anti-racism are the creation of support networks, transgressive challenges to the entrenched leadership through elections, formation of constituency advocacy outside of the structure of the union and discrete forms of resistance. The participants in the research shared their stories of the way that race and gender condition the experiences of racialized women in the labour movement. The racialized interviewees were critical of the inadequacy of labour education programmes in dealing effectively with racism and offer solutions to make them relevant to the racial justice agenda. This study of race, resistance and co-optation in the labour movement has made contributions to the fields of critical race theory, labour and critical race feminism and labour studies.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-11-12T22:58:38Z No. of bitstreams: 1 ANNALIZA BERTOLAZZI - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 1989..pdf: 65175904 bytes, checksum: c4f7ea7520179d698acda1ee6583f9d7 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-12T22:58:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 ANNALIZA BERTOLAZZI - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 1989..pdf: 65175904 bytes, checksum: c4f7ea7520179d698acda1ee6583f9d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1989-03 / La question syndicale, depuis 1978, occupe les prémières pages des journeaux brésiliens pour la nouveauté que présente la pratique actuelle des syndicalistes par rapport a celle du passé. Les travailleurs des villes et des campagnes s'organisent pour le changement des directions syndicales, des pratiques et des objectifs de lutte du sybdicalisme traditionel; des Centrales Syndicales sont créés représentant de différentes perspectives et conceptions; um "nouveau syndicalisme" se construit, defini en opposition à la structure syndicale encore en place. "Participation" et "combativité" synthétisent les revendications qui développent le "nouveau": "ad intra", en opposant démocratisation et structure horizontale à la structure "verticale en place; "ad extra", en opposant une attitude de combat permanent face aux intérêts antagoniques au syndicalisme de- conciliation des classes consacré par la structure traditionelle. Découpant, pour son analyse, une région de la campagne dans l'Etat de Paraíba, l'auteur cherche à identifier y. les conditions sociales qui rendent possible le changement du syndicalisme . rural ansi que les facteurs de continuité des formes traditionelles. L'analyse considère les différents acteurs qui jouent dans le "champ de forces" du syndicalisme de Paraíba. Mettant le focus sur la naissance du "nouveau syndicalisme". considère de façon plus spécifique les "oppositions syndicales" qui - dans la période 1980/88 - ont lutté pour le réaliser, ainsi que leurs propositions, leur "leadership" et les forces qui les soutienent. Finalement l'auteur se détient sur l'analyse d'un cas pris comme exemple réprésentatif de la problematique abordée. A la conclusion de l'étude, que met en énvidence le fait que les changements se font sans des ruptures brusques avec ce qui existait déjà par la force de la continuité institucionelle, sont indiqués les principaux dilèmes et défi posés, à présent, au "nouveau syndicalisme". / A questão sindical, desde 78 ocupa as manchetes nacionais pelas novidades que apresenta em relação ao passado. Os trabalhadores da cidade e do campo se organizam para a mudança dasdireções sindicais, das práticas e das bandeiras de luta do sindicalismo tradicional; constituem-se as Centrais Sindicais enucleando diferentes perspectivas e concepções sindicais; constrói-se um "novo sindicalismo" que se define por oposição à estrutura sindical ainda vigente. "Participação" e "Combatividade" sintetizam as revindicações que desenvolvem "o novo": "ad intra", contrapondo democratização e estrutura horizontal à atual estrutura vertical; "ad extra" opondo uma atitude de combate, frente aos interesses antagônicos, ao sindicalismo de conciliação de classes consagrado pela estrutura sindical vigente. No recorte de uma determinada região do campo paraibano, a autora busca identificar as condições sociais que viabilizam a mudança do sindicalismo no campo e os fatores de continuidade das formas tradicionais. A análise considera os diversos atores em jogo no "campo de forças" do sindicalismo paraibano em sua atuação recente. Tendo como enfoque o surgimento do "novo sindicalismo" estuda especificamente as "oposições sindicais" que no período I980-88 - lutaram para realizá-lo, bem como suas propostas, suas lideranças e apoios. Finaliza analisando concretamente um caso considerado mais representativo da problemática abordada. A conclusão do estudo, que evidencia como as mudanças vem se desenvolvendo sem bruscas rupturas com o existente pela força da continuidade institucional, são colocados os principais dilemas e desafios com os quais se defronta hoje o "novo sindicalismo".