This research is an investigation of the Late Holocene technological transition from the spearthrower and dart to the bow and arrow in north central Texas. It is conducted through a theoretical approach that utilizes ethnographic research, experimental archaeology and the archaeological record to elucidate differences in the behaviors and hunting strategies of Late Archaic and Late Prehistoric groups. It first confirms that there was a transition. Second, a lithic analysis demonstrates that there are fundamental differences in the sizes of the stone dart and arrow points that relate to the propulsive requirements of the weapon systems. Third, it is shown these size differences constrain maintenance potentials and that indeed dart and arrow points exhibit stark differences in their life histories in spite of being employed for the same task. And finally, the faunal record suggests that this transition was associated with an increase in foraging efficiency.

This thesis explore the technological role of bone and antler artifacts from two contact period southern Northwest coast archaeological sites, the Cathlapotle site (45CL1) and the Meier site (35CO5). Technological measures of sedentism are based on lithics, and predict residential sedentism promotes technological expediency in hunter-gatherers (Parry and Kelley 1987). Cathlapotle and Meier lithic assemblages consist of expedient and opportunistic assemblages and raw material stockpiles, with the exception of highly curated projectile points and endscrapers (Hamilton 1994). The expectation that residential sedentism promotes technological expediency in hunter-gatherers was tested on the Cathlapotle and Meier bone and antler artifact assemblages in two ways. First, curation and expediency were recorded for each artifact by measuring level of energy investment in manufacture or degree of working. Second, a spatial analysis was used to explore methods of artifact storage and disposal. Results revealed both Cathlapotle and Meier osseous assemblages are highly curated, except for expedient awls and flakers. Specifically, artifact classes related to subsistence procurement, modification including woodworking, and ornamentation were highly curated. Both sites contain stockpiles of unmodified bone and antler. The spatial analysis showed level of curation did not affect artifact disposal method. Despite this, some patterns were evident. At Cathlapotle, curated procurement and modification artifacts, expedient awls as well as worked fragments were concentrated outside the houses, specifically in Sheet Midden. Broken modification artifacts, ornaments, and detritus were randomly distributed. At the Meier site, curated procurement and modification artifacts, as well as expedient awls were randomly distributed. Broken modification artifacts, detritus and worked fragments were concentrated outside the houses. Ornaments were concentrated in the northern segment (elite area) of the house. There were also significantly more curated complete tools recovered from the cellar facility, while significantly fewer curated complete tools were recovered from the midden facility at Meier. In this thesis, the effects of contact on osseous assemblages were examined. It is an assumption of North American archaeologists that European-introduced metals replace and/or change the character of traditional technologies such as lithic and osseous technologies. Few quantitative studies comparing pre and postcontact artifact assemblages exist (Bamforth 1993, Cobb 2003). In some parts of northeast North America, European contact is followed by a proliferation of osseous tool working, and over time osseous artifacts drop out of the archaeological record (Snow 1995, 1996). Cathlapotle and Meier were occupied from AD 1400 to AD 1830, spanning European contact. People at Cathlapotle were in direct contact with Europeans and Euro-Americans since 1792 (Boyd 2011). Previously, it was assumed Cathlapotle was more involved in the fur trade than Meier, because Cathlapotle was mentioned several times in ethnohistoric accounts, while Meier was never mentioned. Also Cathlapotle contains far more historic trade items than Meier (Ames 2011). The assumption that European-introduced metals replace and/or change the character of traditional technologies was tested on the Cathlapotle and Meier assemblages by comparing artifact frequency, density, and assemblage diversity of pre and postcontact assemblages. Results show contact is reflected in the osseous assemblages at both Cathlapotle and Meier. Contact is evident, but is reflected in different ways. At Cathlapotle, artifact frequencies, densities, and assemblage diversity decrease postcontact. In contrast at Meier, artifact frequencies and densities increase postcontact, with some artifact classes tripling or quadrupling in frequency. The introduction of metal could have enabled people to work osseous materials faster and easier, decreasing manufacture time, cost, and overall energy investment. The gain in efficiency promoted the proliferation of bone working and an abundance of osseous tools at the Meier site. These results encourage a reevaluation of Meier's role in the fur trade. At Cathlapotle, metal objects may have replaced osseous tools resulting in the decline of bone and antler working and/or activity patterns shifted away from activities requiring osseous tools. The results of this thesis deviate from typical Northwest Coast bone and antler assemblages, challenge technological models of sedentism that are based on lithics, and contradict assumptions of Lower Columbians involvement in the fur trade.

Fieldwork in the Zemplen Mountain area of north-eastern Hungary showed that there are at least eight geological sources of obsidian here, five of which have obsidian of a workable quality. There are a further three sources in the Slovak Zemplen, all of which provide workable obsidian. Sources in Central Slovakia are highly devitrified and not useable, and reported sources in Rumania had been discounted earlier (Nandris, 1975). Forty-six samples of obsidian from the Zemplen sources, and 293 pieces from 87 archaeological sites in Central and Eastern Europe, were analysed by neutron activation analysis for 15 trace and two major elements. The trace elements used included those which are geochemically likely to show the greatest variation between different obsidian sources, and which are not badly affected by devitrification and hydration of the obsidian, for example the rare earth elements. The analytical data was processed using Cluster Analysis. 242 of the archaeological samples came from Slovak sources, 22 from Hungarian sources, 9 from Lipari and 5 from Melos. In addition, 6 samples were tentatively assigned to Carpathian sources, and 9 could not be assigned to any source. Obsidian from the Zemplen Mountains was distributed up to a distance of approximately 480 km from the sources; it was used extensively in Slovakia and Hungary and reached southern Poland, Austria, Moravia, central Yugoslavia, north-east Italy and central Rumania. Obsidian use in central and eastern Europe began in the Mousterian period. The earliest pieces analysed were Aurignacian and came from Hungarian sources. Later, in the Gravettian, Slovakian sources began to be exploited and remained predominant until obsidian use declined sharply in the Later Neolithic, and Copper and Bronze Ages. The Carpathian obsidian distribution overlaps with the Liparian distribution at one site in north-east Italy. There is no evidence for an overlap with Aegean or Near Eastern sources. The rate of fall off of obsidian away from the sources suggests a down-the-line trading mechanism.

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The research reported here arose from perceived lacunae regarding archaeological understanding of mesolithic settlement in eastern Scotland. Historically this area, for a number of reasons, has seen 1ittle archaeological research in comparison to the maritime west of the country, a bias that requires redressing. The characteristics, problems and potentials of available data are assembled for the first time and critically assessed. Discussion of methodologies appropriate to this material is developed, and small-scale fieldwork undertaken within this framework presented. Any introduction of a new range of data is, in part, a construction of that data, and the particular interpretative and thematic stresses of the thesis arise from the argument that narratives of gatherer-hunter communities in the past have objectified those groups, consequently hindering comprehension of them. To this end an approach to a social archaeology of the mesolithic is developed, stressing the importance of examining skills and routines that, through thei; extension in particular contexts, may have structured an agent's experience of landscapes in the past. In order to flesh out these arguments and introduce the material evidence in more detail, a series of overlapping case studies is developed exploring in turn, the relationships between mesolithic folk and woodlands, the significance of salmon fishing, the inhabitation of the coast, and stone tool procurement, production and discard. These varied narratives incorporate the results of a range of small-scale desktop projects and fieldwork designed to test the potential of this approach to a social archaeology of the period. Whilst these studies are at present fragmentary, it is contended that they demonstrate that accounts of gatherer-hunter communities in the east of Scotland can aspire to a meaningful level of engagement with human lives in the past. The project scholarship was funded by Historic Scotland.

The study of core reduction, or how little raw material was transformed into flakes which could be used for tools, is fundamental to the interpretation of most archaeological lithic assemblages. A distinction can be made in this regard between the "manner" of core reduction, or the mechanics of flake removal, and the "method" of its reduction, which focuses upon the sequence of core preparation and tool blank production. The emphasis in current lithic studies has been upon the former aspect of the core reduction process. Evidence for the method of flaking cores in prehistory has not been as widely or thoughtfully addressed and, consequently, a comprehensive theory and methodology for its study is lacking. This dissertation addresses itself to the problems of reconstructing core reduction sequences from archaeological assemblages of chipped stone. It introduces the theoretical background and associated methodology that is necessary to approach the study of the method of core reduction, without the aid of backfitting or the assumptions involved in replicative studies. This approach is based not only on the cores discarded after reduction but also on an interpretation of those features of the flakes that can inform upon their role and place in the core reduction sequence. The potential of the method is assessed through an analysis of blank production at several Middle Paleolithic sites in Northern Bosnia, Yugoslavia. Of these, the sites of Zobiste and Visoko Brdo form the basis of an interpretation of the core reduction strategies practiced in this area during the early Upper Pleistocene. This strategy is shown to be a result of the varying interaction between the nature of the raw material source, the intent of the knapper, and the principles of the lithic reduction process itself. The new data presented and the perspective achieved from the study of the core reduction sequence will be useful for future studies of the Middle Paleolithic in this area and in the comparison of these industries with other regions of the Old World.

The study of prehistoric Maya settlements has been hampered by simplistic views of cultural ecology, over generalized ethnographic analogy, and a lack of attention to both natural and cultural site formation processes. As a result, Mayanists have tended to expect very little variety in archaeological features and have assumed cultural uniformity over wide ranges of time and space. Traditional research designs support these assumptions. Current knowledge of Maya social organization suggests that more structural variety may occur in Maya archaeological sites than is ordinarily discovered. Some of this variation is evidenced by features not currently visible on the ground-surface. The Nohmul Settlement pattern project employed a "purposive" sampling design to search for settlement variation over time and space. Several assumptions about surface-subsurface relationships were tested. Surface indications were not found to outline subsurface variety. Excavating at intervals from site center in both visible and "invisible" features, showed that the Nohmul community was affected by both centralizing and decentralizing influences and grouped into residential clusters resembling neighborhoods. The degree of centralization and the location of the clusters, as well as some of their characteristics, changed notably over Nohmul's 2500 year occupation.

The phenomenon of the reuse of prehistoric monuments—notably Bronze Age barrows—for early medieval burial has long been recognised as remarkably prevalent in the archaeological record. This systematic study of the landscape context of ‘Early-Middle Saxon’ burial in Wessex assumes a broader outlook, and considers all aspects of the antecedent landscape which may have influenced the siting of funerary locales. Engaging primarily with archaeological evidence, complemented by documentary and place-name sources, it examines the influence of topography, land-use, territorial organisation, and perceptions of ancient features on the location of burial sites, and the role played by burial in the formation of group identities. Moreover, it investigates the emergence and evolution of the practice of monument appropriation, and its exploitation and adaptation by an increasingly defined elite class. The selection of three case study counties—Wiltshire, Hampshire and Dorset—within a discrete area of southern England which, by the latter part of the period of study, had been incorporated into the kingdom of Wessex, allows the evidence to be examined at local and sub-regional levels, and facilitates supra-regional comparisons. The burial record is scrutinised and analysed with the aid of Geographical Information Systems (GIS) in order to construct a detailed picture of the influence of topography and other aspects of the natural and man-made environment on burial location. It also reveals the significant impact that antiquarian and modern archaeological investigation patterns have had on the distribution and nature of the burial record.

The master's thesis summarizes existing knowledge of both post houses and sunken floor buildings in the Roman Age and Migration Period in Bohemia. It analyzes a collection of 131 sunken floor houses and available records about the post houses. The sunken floor building were divided in several groups according to preserved traces of their contruction which enables a comparison of the situation in Bohemia with that of neighboring areas. Using statistical methods helped to determine mutual relations between features and to identify certain regional differences. Both kinds of buildings were evaluated from the construction and functional point of view. The knowledge of post houses served as the basis for analyzing a season of an excavation of 1959 in Zalužany, dist. Příbram. Key words Bohemia - Roman Age - Migration Period - settlements - prehistoric construction

Human culture is unique in its scope and complexity and is underpinned by the social transmission of information. Successful individuals will use both social and asocial information effectively. Evolutionary theory suggests that social learning should be guided by evolved learning rules that dictate when individuals rely on social information, a literature which I review across Chapters 1 and 2, with the emphasis of chapter 2 being on conformist transmission. In this thesis I present experimental investigations of the existence and adaptive value of several such strategies in both adults (Chapter 3) and young children (Chapter 4). In all cases I find strong evidence for the existence of such biases and show that they act to increase the accuracy of decisions. In particular I show individuals are highly sensitive to even small majorities within a group of demonstrators. The youngest children (age 3) however, show little sensitivity to social information and do not use it effectively. In Chapter 5 I present an investigation into the role of social learning in the evolution of hominin lithic technology. I conclude that even the earliest hominin flaking technology is poorly transmitted through observation alone and so the widespread and longstanding persistence of such tools implies some form of teaching. Furthermore, I conclude that the stable transmission of more complex technologies would likely require teaching, and potentially symbolic communication. I also postulate a co-evolution of stone tools and complex communication and teaching. In Chapter 6 I conclude that the cultural evolutionary approach, focussing on the evolutionary consequences of social information use and treating culture as a system of inheritance partially independent of genes, seems successful in increasing our understanding of the evolution of social learning.