Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2004. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiv, 259 p.; also includes graphics. Includes bibliographical references (p. 248-259).

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The three key steps of modern seismic imaging are (1) multiple attenuation, (2) velocity estimation, and (3) migration. The multiple-attenuation step is essentially designed to remove the energy that has bounces at the free surface (also known as "multiples"), since velocity estimation and migration assume that data contain only primaries (i.e., seismic events that have reflected or diffracted only once in the subsurface and have no free-surface reflection). The second step consists of estimating the velocity model such that the migration step can be solved as a linear inverse problem. This thesis concerns the multiple attenuation of towed-streamer data. We have proposed a new method for attenuating multiples and discussed how this method affects velocity estimation and migration. The multiple-attenuation approach used today in the E&P industry is based on the scattering theory. It is carried out in two steps: (1) the prediction of multiples using data only, and (2) the subtraction of multiples contained in the data using predicted multiples. One of the interesting features of these multiple-attenuation methods is that they do not require any knowledge of the subsurface. However there are still two drawbacks that limit the usage of these methods. They are (1) the requirement of acquiring very large 3D datasets which are beyond the capability of current seismic acquisition technology, and (2) the requirement of acquiring near-offset (including zero-offset) data. The method developed in this thesis can potentially overcome these two problems. The novelty of our approach here is to image receiver ghosts of primaries--events which have one bounce in the subsurface and one bounce at the free-surface that is also the last bounce--instead of primaries themselves. We propose to predict two wavefields instead of a single wavefield, as is presently done. One wavefield contains all free-surface reflections, including receiver ghosts of primaries, ghosts of multiples, and multiples. The other wavefield does not contain receiver ghosts of primaries. We pose the problem of reconstructing receiver ghosts of primaries as solving a system of two equations with three unknowns. The two wavefields are used to construct the two equations. The three unknowns are (1) the receiver ghosts of primaries, (2) the multiples contained in the wavefield containing the receiver ghosts of primaries, and (3) the multiples contained in the other wavefield. We solve this underdetermined system by taking advantage of the fact that seismic data are sparse. We have validated our approach using data generated by finite-difference modeling (FDM), which is by far the most accurate modeling tool for seismic data. Starting with a simple 1D model, we verified the effectiveness of predicting data containing multiples and receiver ghosts of primaries. Then we used the sparsity of seismic data to turn the system of two equations with three unknowns into a system of two equations with two unknowns on a datapoint basis. We have also validated our method for complex geological models. The results show that this method is effective, irrespective of the geology. These examples also confirm that our method is not affected by missing near-offset data and does not require special seismic 3D acquisition.

"The problem with which this investigation is concerned is the determination of the role played by public relations professionals in Texas politics. This exploration of modern campaign technology relies on a survey of related literature, published and unpublished, and on personal interviews conducted in 1968-69 with candidates for public office, party workers, public relations experts, campaign managers and consultants, and media specialists involved in the Texas Democratic Gubernatorial primary campaigns of 1968...the findings show that the public relations professionals are playing an ever increasing role in Texas politics and that their expertise and skills play a particularly important role in political campaigning. The Texas Democratic Gubernatorial primary campaign of 1968 illustrates the widespread use of professional consultants by Texas politicians and indicates that their use has had recognizable consequences for the distribution of power and influence."-- leaf [1].

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2005. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 279-290).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--Ohio State University, 2005. / Title from first page of PDF file. Document formatted into pages; contains xiii, 177 p.; also includes graphics Includes bibliographical references (p. 169-177). Available online via OhioLINK's ETD Center

Thesis--Wisconsin. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 109-111).

In this paper, I discuss the area of issue-ownership as it applies to the 2016 presidential primaries. The central discussion of the paper features a tradeoff between viability and issues in primary contests. Viability, which is presented through The Party Decides: Presidential Nominations Before and After Reform by Marty Cohen et al. as party elites deciding who should be the nominee, and issues that are salient to primary voters, and thus candidates, which I present as the more likely reason for how nominees are selected. Using a combination of national polls and analysis of candidates’ Twitter feeds, I hope to compare data on who primary and caucus voters support and which issues are important to them. The hypothesis is simple: if candidates stake claims on issues that voters care about and frequently remind voters of that via Twitter, they will receive a bump in the polls.

The nation stood in either awe or disbelief when Bernie Sanders, a political Independent, only recently turned Democrat, defeated the establishment candidate and former first lady, Hillary Clinton, in the early 2016 New Hampshire primary. As the primaries concluded, it became clear that Sanders’ message resonated. But why was this the case after eight years of “hope and change” under the Obama administration? Furthermore, to what extent did Sanders align with traditional Democrats or traditional Socialists and how can we understand the unprecedented success of a presidential candidate who identifies with socialism? My thesis seeks to answer these puzzles. I do so by: interviewing Sanders supporters, investigating the development of American Socialism and Sanders’ own political identity, and analyzing the economic and social factors leading up to the 2016 primaries. Ultimately, my thesis proposes that Sanders’ ability to win over twelve million votes in the Democratic Party primaries stems from his creation of his own brand of socialism that merged traditional socialist principles of championing the working person with the economic and social realities of twenty first century middle-class America.

Three independent studies drawing on the cases from different spaces and times comprise this research project, but they share a common theme: how do expansive reforms that open up paths to political participation take place? The first paper takes up the case of the motor voter reform, which allows people to register to vote at driver's license offices. The reform was widely legislated by U.S. states before the passage of the National Voter Registration Act in 1993. The paper investigates the factors that helped promote the reform at the state level by breaking down the reforms along two dimensions: the voter registration location and the implementation method. Motor voter legislation could either stand alone or be accompanied by agency-based registration (ABR), which includes registration at social service public agencies that primarily serve the poor. A reform could be implemented in an active or passive way. While ABR and active implementation had the potential to mobilize previously alienated socioeconomic groups, motor voter reform itself and passive implementation were expected to have a partisan-neutral and limited impact, respectively. Using data collected from the archived materials of the leading advocacy organization of the reform, Human SERVE, I test the following three general hypotheses statistically: 1) the Democratic Party is interested in mobilizing the poor, 2) electoral competition enhances mobilization efforts by parties, and 3) liberal political culture promotes inclusive electoral institutions. All three hypotheses find some support in the empirical analysis. The second paper focuses on a candidate selection method reform in contemporary Japan. Throughout the first decade of the twenty first century, the (then) opposition Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) used kôbo, an open-recruitment candidate selection method, which was purported to open up the party nomination to non-traditional outsider aspirants. The DPJ's action presented a puzzle: searching for low-electability amateur candidates instead of traditional quality candidates seemed paradoxical for a party preparing to take over power. The paper reveals that using kôbo was a transitional strategy for a young party building itself under the mixed-member majoritarian system. I argue that recruiting "fresh faces" was not what really motivated the use of kôbo, by showing how kôbo increasingly produced insider candidates over time. The third paper investigates the development of direct primary in nineteenth century Pennsylvania. The historical origins of the U.S. primaries have mostly been discussed in terms of statewide legislations around the Progressive Era, which made the primaries mandatory for the two major parties. This paper focuses instead on the voluntary adoption phase that took place under the party by-laws, paying special attention to the case of Pennsylvania after 1842. I argue that the party elites of county organizations initiated the introduction of the primaries in order to prevent defection and to preserve party unity. As the vote share of a party increased, the party nomination became more valuable, and more people competed for nomination. More disgruntled nomination losers would run as independents, hurting the electoral prospects of a given party in the general election. For party leaders, whose overwhelming concern was the maintenance of party unity, the direct primary system offered a solution by presenting the primary winner as a focal candidate to the party voters. The primaries made it harder for losers to defect later, with the transparent features of their procedures. Thus, the stronger the party, the more likely it was to adopt the direct primary. The paper tests this hypothesis empirically with an original data set built from hundreds of archived local newspapers. To my knowledge, this is the first study on nineteenth century county-level party activities to use comprehensive data covering most counties from a single state. The findings have broader implications as to how party competition affects the choice of candidate selection methods, and the role which competition among elites plays in the democratization of the intraparty decision-making mechanism.