Orientador: Rachel Meneguello / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-03T15:48:52Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Toneloto_CarolinaFrancodeSouza_M.pdf: 4543119 bytes, checksum: 3654b2389c058c393e61ca4872aa5d8f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2003 / Resumo: O objetivo da dissertação é identificar as técnicas de marketing eleitoral empregadas na confecção dos programas políticos veiculados durante o Horário Gratuito de Propaganda Eleitoral (HGPE) televisivo através do estudo das eleições municipais da cidade de São Paulo no ano 2000. Para isso, foram escolhidos para serem assistidos e analisados todos os programas eleitorais do primeiro e do segundo turnos dos três candidatos melhor posicionados àquele pleito: Marta Suplicy, do PT, Paulo Maluf, do PPB, e Geraldo Alckmin, do PSDB. A análise das técnicas de marketing eleitoral empregadas na confecção destes programas foi empreendida assentada na hipótese de que neles pode-se observar de um lugar privilegiado a presença e as influências do marketing no processo da competição eleitoral. Pudemos, com isso, visualizar a aplicação destas técnicas e identificar as estratégias adotadas pelos candidatos durante todo o percurso da campanha, o que também nos permitiu situar melhor estas atividades no contexto das eleições e campanhas políticas nacionais, conferindo-lhes estatuto de importância na dinâmica dos processos políticos e eleitorais contemporâneos / Abstract: The present work deals with the analysis of techniques of political marketing employed during the 2000 campaign for Mayor of the city of São Paulo, Brazil, displayed at the televised political programs of the period. To achieve that, we selected the complete set of TV programs exhibited by the three main candidates of the first phase of the campaign, as well as all programs showed by the two remaining candidates during the second stage of the elections: Marta Suplicy, from PT, Paulo Maluf, from PPB, and Geraldo Alckmin, from PSDB. We approached the problem in the premise that electoral TV programs constitute a privileged content from which to derive the presence and influence of marketing as a key factor in the competition process at electoral contests. Therefore we managed to observe the application of these techniques and to identify the corresponding strategies followed by each candidate throughout the campaign, allowing at the same time to place these marketing techniques as important elements in elections and national political campaigns, and in the dynamics of political and electoral contemporary process / Mestrado / Mestre em Ciência Política

Orientador: Octavio Ianni / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-20T20:01:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Retondar_AndersonMoebus_M.pdf: 2806136 bytes, checksum: cd91a3f2ff50779c240e85162fe91470 (MD5) Previous issue date: 1995 / Resumo: Não informado / Abstract: Not informed / Mestrado / Mestre em Sociologia

Ever-developing media and innovative propaganda strategies continually change the ways that political authorities exercise their manipulation of the public, which always causes great concern among scholars in the field of political communication. To respond to the lively debate on the roles new modes of communication can play in the processes of politics in modern society based on the experience of China and also to help scholars adapt to the changing context of China today, we chose one representative trend in the latest political propaganda of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on social media--"cuteness-coated propaganda"--of which we study the impacts on political support among Chinese youth and the mechanisms involved. After conceptualizing and theorizing the cuteness-coated propaganda of the CPC, we design and conduct two studies. In Study One, we firstly recruit 199 participants offline for a pair of between-subjects 2 (selling cuteness or not) × 2 (soft content or hard content) factorial design experiments. In Experiment 1, the cuteness is presented in the form of video, and in Experiment 2, it is presented in the form of pictures. In Study Two, we recruit 386 participants online to join in the online survey-embedded experiments, in which the cuteness is presented in the form of text in Experiment 3 and the form of pictures in Experiment 4. We find that in our research context when the CPC propagandizes with soft-oriented content using the selling-cuteness strategy in video form on Weibo, it improves the specific political support of Chinese youth by increasing their positive emotions or closing the psychological distance between themselves and the propagandist. This finding suggests that the "Double-Soft Model" of political propaganda (utilizing a soft propaganda strategy to publicize soft content) proposed in our thesis can be a very persuasive way of influencing young people's specific political support. However, when the selling-cuteness with soft content is presented in picture form or textual form, it is unable to influence the specific support because it cannot evoke significantly increased positive emotions or psychological closeness. Meanwhile, neither general political support nor national pride is influenced by the selling-cuteness strategy no matter in which form it is presented, which is consistent with the findings of previous scholars. Our research represents a pioneering study of cuteness-coated political propaganda on social media, both theoretically and empirically.

Analysing discourse through visual units is certainly a very fascinating and interesting way of showing how propaganda posters regulate and shape the beliefs, values, and attitudes of social groups. Based on the theory of social constructionism, this research paper aims to explore and examine the use of verbal and nonverbal symbols between the propagandist and the audience in which the social positions of difference and authority are articulated. To accomplish this, I choose six propaganda posters that resonated strongly within the Chinese society to reflect how their symbolic messages and linguistic codes serve as transmitters of certain ideas. I incorporated testimonies of Anchee Min, Duo Duo, and Saul Yeung as a form of evidence in revealing the cultural significance, social practices, and power relations because they all have knowledge and experience in the cultural, social, and political discourse during the Cultural revolution. By applying a hermeneutic approach, this research paper deconstructs the symbolic meanings and linguistic codes of propaganda posters to reveal the notion of communication competence between the propagandist and the audience. Key words: China, propaganda, visual semiotics, symbols, discourse

Right-wing radicalism has moved to the periphery of public and academic attention. This is despite the fact that hate crimes are increasing and right-wing populist parties win enough votes to be represented in parliament or even make up governments Europe-wide. In addition, the Internet has made it easy for the right-wing to network and transport their ideology to a large audience. The research, therefore, asks how the German right-wing as a contrast society is portrayed on Twitter networks. Because it is the goal of contrast societies to change the target society in its favor, the Internet offers a space where an ideal society can be created online. Right-wing networks on Twitter will be analyzed with a social media analysis using Twitter statistics, NodeXL Pro and Gephi. The analysis will be conducted by identifying online radicalization themes, like for example hate towards refugees, in the form of hashtags, that constitute the alternative reality created online. The results of the analysis will then be presented in the context of radical contrast society's efforts to change society. This way, it will be possible to come to a meaningful conclusion that includes wider societal implications of the right-wings' networking on Twitter.

Wartime lends itself to a particular form of communication. This type of communication is often regarded as propaganda, which is used to promote or alternatively dissuade pro-war fervour. This theory is no different during the Border War of South Africa (1966-1989). During the years that the war waged, the public’s sentiment towards the war had changed instigated by the continuing political unrest found both in South Africa and on its borders. The South African Defence Force (SADF) attempted to use its official magazine Paratus to disseminate pro-war communication in order to subdue the objectors and sway public opinion. Thus, this study aimed to understand how the magazine was used as a propaganda medium in terms of its editorial philosophy. Furthermore, attention was given to the main propaganda devices used in magazines as well as in Paratus itself, while changes in the editorial philosophy of the magazine during wartime formed the background of the study. By making use of the single case and longitudinal study, continuous data from a core single source, from 1970-1988, was investigated to gather data including the cover, advertisements, letters, articles and design features that will form the subject of rigorous content analysis in order to obtain rich and holistic information. An amagalmation of the propaganda devices identified by Lasswell (1927), the Institute of Propaganda Analysis – the IPA (1937) and the Propaganda Model (1988) was used as set criteria to base this propaganda study on. The study is rooted in a comprehensive literature review in order to contextualise the findings and avoid bias from the researcher. Ultimately, the study revealed that pro-war and Afrikaner nationalism and Calvinism ideals were supported and furthered through the means of mass communication approaches, specifically that of strategic communication, agenda-setting theory and framing, as well as propaganda devices, most notably the glittering generalities and transfer propaganda devices, while the ideology of anti-Communism alongside the rhetoric of “total onslaught” also formed part of the narrative of the magazine. / Dissertation (MIS)--University of Pretoria, 2019. / University of Pretoria: academic excellence bursary. / Information Science / MIS / Unrestricted

This thesis investigates the use of propaganda in the form of iconography on Roman coins minted during the reign of the emperor Hadrian. More specifically this paper investigates the use of coins during the transitional period of Hadrian’s ascension to emperor and his use of iconography on coin minted during his famous travels of the empire, as well as coins minted in local provincial mints. For this investigation fifty coins of significance have been chosen for analysis, these coins are minted either during the early years of Hadrian's reign or during his travels. The theory used in this paper bases itself on the thought of “fabrication” by Peter Burke in the Fabrication of Louis XIV. The result of this study shows how Hadrian chose to portray himself in relation to his predecessor and how he used iconography to reinforce Roman rule over the provinces.

Ever-developing media and innovative propaganda strategies continually change the ways that political authorities exercise their manipulation of the public, which always causes great concern among scholars in the field of political communication. To respond to the lively debate on the roles new modes of communication can play in the processes of politics in modern society based on the experience of China and also to help scholars adapt to the changing context of China today, we chose one representative trend in the latest political propaganda of the Communist Party of China (CPC) on social media--"cuteness-coated propaganda"--of which we study the impacts on political support among Chinese youth and the mechanisms involved. After conceptualizing and theorizing the cuteness-coated propaganda of the CPC, we design and conduct two studies. In Study One, we firstly recruit 199 participants offline for a pair of between-subjects 2 (selling cuteness or not) × 2 (soft content or hard content) factorial design experiments. In Experiment 1, the cuteness is presented in the form of video, and in Experiment 2, it is presented in the form of pictures. In Study Two, we recruit 386 participants online to join in the online survey-embedded experiments, in which the cuteness is presented in the form of text in Experiment 3 and the form of pictures in Experiment 4. We find that in our research context when the CPC propagandizes with soft-oriented content using the selling-cuteness strategy in video form on Weibo, it improves the specific political support of Chinese youth by increasing their positive emotions or closing the psychological distance between themselves and the propagandist. This finding suggests that the "Double-Soft Model" of political propaganda (utilizing a soft propaganda strategy to publicize soft content) proposed in our thesis can be a very persuasive way of influencing young people's specific political support. However, when the selling-cuteness with soft content is presented in picture form or textual form, it is unable to influence the specific support because it cannot evoke significantly increased positive emotions or psychological closeness. Meanwhile, neither general political support nor national pride is influenced by the selling-cuteness strategy no matter in which form it is presented, which is consistent with the findings of previous scholars. Our research represents a pioneering study of cuteness-coated political propaganda on social media, both theoretically and empirically.

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This study tested effectiveness of a film in forced compliance situations on neutral and negatively predisposed individuals. Subjects (N = 48) were administered an attitudinal questionnaire, subjected to a no (control), low, moderate, or high dissonance-producing situation, and retested for attitude change. Analysis of variance for repeated measures, Scheffe's F tests, and t tests were used for analysis. Results indicated attitude change was greatest under a low dissonance-producing situation for all subjects. The moderate-dissonance situation moved unfavorable subjects toward favorability while the high dissonance situation moved extremely unfavorable subjects toward favorability. No relationship was found between degrees of dissonance and attitude change for netural subjects.