疑問詞語及疑問句是漢語研究的重要方面。傳統研究以及生成語法研究對疑問詞語和疑問句的句法做了大量研究。Feng(1995)指出韻律控制句法是語言的一個重要機制。在此基礎上，本文從韻律─句法接口入手，首次對上古漢語中韻律制約的疑問詞語及句法現象進行綜合的研究。 / 基於韻律的層級結構，本文從三個不同韻律層級探京韻律單位及其對應的韻律規則對疑問詞語及句法的制約作用。 / 第一章首先回顧二十多年來韻律句法學的研究，並對全文的理論背景進行介紹，最後概述本文的研究目的、主要觀點及研究方法。 / 第二章討論韻素音步導致的疑問詞「胡*ga」與「何*gal」的句法對立。本章指出「何*gal」是標準形式，「胡*ga」比「何*gal」少一個韻素/-l/，是特定語音環境下出現的弱化形式。這導致「胡*ga」比「何*gal」受到更多的句法限制。 / 第三章指出上古漢語中雙音節音步導致單雙音節疑問詞在不同的句法位置出現對立。在焦點重音、雙音節音步和核心重音的共同制約下，單音節疑問詞必須與相鄰成分組成雙音節音步。在非論元位置，單音節疑問詞變為雙音節疑問詞。但論元位置疑問詞己與動詞組合為雙音節，因此論元位置的單音節疑問詞沒有變為雙音節。這也導致在歷時演變中，論元位置的疑問詞晚於非論元位置疑問詞進行「雙音化」。 / 第四章集中討論一個重要的疑問結構「何/奚+(以)+XP+為」。本文首次指出狀語「何/奚為」通過「分配删略」生成表層結構「何/奚+(以)+XP+為」。而且本文更進一步指出是語調需要轉化為句末語氣詞的韻律要求迫使「何/奚為」進行「分配删略」。 / 第五章對全文進行總結，指出上述問題的討論，不僅為探索上古漢語特指疑問句的句法生成機制提供了新的材料和現象，而且它們豐富了我們對上古漢語面貌的認識。 / Wh-words and syntax of wh-questions are significant topics in Chinese linuistics.They have received a lot of attention from traditionaland generative studies.Feng (1995) proposed that prosodically-constrained syntax is a crucial mechanism. Based on this hypothesis, this paper will conduct an original and extensive research into phenomena of prosodically-constrained wh-morphology and syntax in Archaic Chines from prosody-syntax interface. / Based on Prosodic Hierachy Theory, this paper will explore different prosodic units and prosodic rules in different hierarchies impose constraints on morphology and syntax of wh-words and wh-questions. / The first chapter will review the history of prosodic-syntax research in the past twenty years, and then introduce the theoretical background of the whole paper. The research purpose, main points and methodology of this paper will be presented in the last section. / The second chapter will discuss the syntactic contrast between HU/*ga/and HE/*gal/ in Archaic Chinese results from the restrictions of bimoraic feet. This paper will argue that HE/*gal/ is analysed as a underlying form while HU/*ga/ represents a weak form. This will induce that HU/*ga/, with only one mora, is more constrictive than HE/*gal/ which has more mora . / The third chapter will point out that disyllabic foot results in the syntactic contrast between monosyllabic and disyllabic wh-words in Archaic Chinese. For the requirements of the focus stress , disyllabic feet and NSR (Nuclear Stress Rule), monosyllabic wh-words, weak forms bearing focus stress, will be substitued for disyllabic forms. Terefore a contrast will emerge between wh-words in argument and non-argument positions. At the same time the substitute will result in the appearance of disyllabicity of wh-words in argument positions is later than ones in non-argument positions through the process of diachronic change. / The fourth chapter will focus on an essential wh-question construction in Archaic Chinese - [HE/XI+(YI)+XP+WEI]. This paper will first propose that adjunct HE/XI generates that structure through the syntactic operation "Distributed Deletion". In addition, we first argue that the syntactic operation is activated by a prosodic request that intonations have to be transformed into sentence-final particls in the intonational phrases. / The fifth chapter will summarize the whole paper. It is suggested that demonstrations above will not only offer some novel phenomena of syntactic mechanisms for wh-questions in Archaic Chinese, but also will offer a distinctive perspective of Archaic Chinese. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / Detailed summary in vernacular field only. / 李果. / Parallel title from added title page. / Thesis (Ph.D.) Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2015. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 247-263). / Abstracts also in English. / Li Guo.

Li Yu Jia. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references. / Abstracts in English and Chinese. / Chapter Chapter 1 --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter 1.1. --- TTS Technology --- p.1 / Chapter 1.2. --- Prosody --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2.1. --- What is Prosody --- p.2 / Chapter 1.2.2. --- Prosody from Different Perspectives --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2.3. --- Acoustical Parameters of Prosody --- p.3 / Chapter 1.2.4. --- Prosody in TTS --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.4.1 --- Analysis --- p.5 / Chapter 1.2.4.2 --- Modeling --- p.6 / Chapter 1.2.4.3 --- Evaluation --- p.6 / Chapter 1.3. --- Thesis Objectives --- p.7 / Chapter 1.4. --- Thesis Outline --- p.7 / Reference --- p.8 / Chapter Chapter 2 --- Cantonese --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1. --- The Cantonese Dialect --- p.9 / Chapter 2.1.1. --- Phonology --- p.10 / Chapter 2.1.1.1 --- Initial --- p.11 / Chapter 2.1.1.2 --- Final --- p.12 / Chapter 2.1.1.3 --- Tone --- p.13 / Chapter 2.1.2. --- Phonological Constraints --- p.14 / Chapter 2.2. --- Tones in Cantonese --- p.15 / Chapter 2.2.1. --- Tone System --- p.15 / Chapter 2.2.2. --- Linguistic Significance --- p.18 / Chapter 2.2.3. --- Acoustical Realization --- p.18 / Chapter 2.3. --- Prosodic Variation in Continuous Cantonese Speech --- p.20 / Chapter 2.4. --- Cantonese Speech Corpus - CUProsody --- p.21 / Reference --- p.23 / Chapter Chapter 3 --- F0 Normalization --- p.25 / Chapter 3.1. --- F0 in Speech Production --- p.25 / Chapter 3.2. --- F0 Extraction --- p.27 / Chapter 3.3. --- Duration-normalized Tone Contour --- p.29 / Chapter 3.4. --- F0 Normalization --- p.30 / Chapter 3.4.1. --- Necessity and Motivation --- p.30 / Chapter 3.4.2. --- F0 Normalization --- p.33 / Chapter 3.4.2.1 --- Methodology --- p.33 / Chapter 3.4.2.2 --- Assumptions --- p.34 / Chapter 3.4.2.3 --- Estimation of Relative Tone Ratios --- p.35 / Chapter 3.4.2.4 --- Derivation of Phrase Curve --- p.37 / Chapter 3.4.2.5 --- Normalization of Absolute FO Values --- p.39 / Chapter 3.4.3. --- Experiments and Discussion --- p.39 / Chapter 3.5. --- Conclusions --- p.44 / Reference --- p.45 / Chapter Chapter 4 --- Acoustical FO Analysis --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1. --- Methodology of FO Analysis --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.1. --- Analysis-by-Synthesis --- p.48 / Chapter 4.1.2. --- Acoustical Analysis --- p.51 / Chapter 4.2. --- Acoustical FO Analysis for Cantonese --- p.52 / Chapter 4.2.1. --- Analysis of Phrase Curves --- p.52 / Chapter 4.2.2. --- Analysis of Tone Contours --- p.55 / Chapter 4.2.2.1 --- Context-independent Single-tone Contours --- p.56 / Chapter 4.2.2.2 --- Contextual Variation --- p.58 / Chapter 4.2.2.3 --- Co-articulated Tone Contours of Disyllabic Word --- p.59 / Chapter 4.2.2.4 --- Cross-word Contours --- p.62 / Chapter 4.2.2.5 --- Phrase-initial Tone Contours --- p.65 / Chapter 4.3. --- Summary --- p.66 / Reference --- p.67 / Chapter Chapter5 --- Prosody Modeling for Cantonese Text-to-Speech --- p.70 / Chapter 5.1. --- Parametric Model and Non-parametric Model --- p.70 / Chapter 5.2. --- Cantonese Text-to-Speech: Baseline System --- p.72 / Chapter 5.2.1. --- Sub-syllable Unit --- p.72 / Chapter 5.2.2. --- Text Analysis Module --- p.73 / Chapter 5.2.3. --- Acoustical Synthesis --- p.74 / Chapter 5.2.4. --- Prosody Module --- p.74 / Chapter 5.3. --- Enhanced Prosody Model --- p.74 / Chapter 5.3.1. --- Modeling Tone Contours --- p.75 / Chapter 5.3.1.1 --- Word-level FO Contours --- p.76 / Chapter 5.3.1.2 --- Phrase-initial Tone Contours --- p.77 / Chapter 5.3.1.3 --- Tone Contours at Word Boundary --- p.78 / Chapter 5.3.2. --- Modeling Phrase Curves --- p.79 / Chapter 5.3.3. --- Generation of Continuous FO Contours --- p.81 / Chapter 5.4. --- Summary --- p.81 / Reference --- p.82 / Chapter Chapter 6 --- Performance Evaluation --- p.83 / Chapter 6.1. --- Introduction to Perceptual Test --- p.83 / Chapter 6.1.1. --- Aspects of Evaluation --- p.84 / Chapter 6.1.2. --- Methods of Judgment Test --- p.84 / Chapter 6.1.3. --- Problems in Perceptual Test --- p.85 / Chapter 6.2. --- Perceptual Tests for Cantonese TTS --- p.86 / Chapter 6.2.1. --- Intelligibility Tests --- p.86 / Chapter 6.2.1.1 --- Method --- p.86 / Chapter 6.2.1.2 --- Results --- p.88 / Chapter 6.2.1.3 --- Analysis --- p.89 / Chapter 6.2.2. --- Naturalness Tests --- p.90 / Chapter 6.2.2.1 --- Word-level --- p.90 / Chapter 6.2.2.1.1 --- Method --- p.90 / Chapter 6.2.2.1.2 --- Results --- p.91 / Chapter 6.2.3.1.3 --- Analysis --- p.91 / Chapter 6.2.2.2 --- Sentence-level --- p.92 / Chapter 6.2.2.2.1 --- Method --- p.92 / Chapter 6.2.2.2.2 --- Results --- p.93 / Chapter 6.2.2.2.3 --- Analysis --- p.94 / Chapter 6.3. --- Conclusions --- p.95 / Chapter 6.4. --- Summary --- p.95 / Reference --- p.96 / Chapter Chapter 7 --- Conclusions and Future Work --- p.97 / Chapter 7.1. --- Conclusions --- p.97 / Chapter 7.2. --- Suggested Future Work --- p.99 / Appendix --- p.100 / Appendix 1 Linear Regression --- p.100 / Appendix 2 36 Templates of Cross-word Contours --- p.101 / Appendix 3 Word List for Word-level Tests --- p.102 / Appendix 4 Syllable Occurrence in Word List of Intelligibility Test --- p.108 / Appendix 5 Wrongly Identified Word List --- p.112 / Appendix 6 Confusion Matrix --- p.115 / Appendix 7 Unintelligible Word List --- p.117 / Appendix 8 Noisy Word List --- p.119 / Appendix 9 Sentence List for Naturalness Test --- p.120

No description available.

Thesis (M.Phil.)--Hong Kong University of Science and Technology, 2003. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 97-101). Also available in electronic version. Access restricted to campus users.

This study proposes that metrical constituents are inherently headless and stress is autosegmental. Chapter 2 argues that, since stress is the only diagnostic for the presence of a metrical head, the latter is redundant and must be eliminated from phonological theory. Further arguments for the inherent headlessness of feet are cited fl:om the theory of prosodic morphology (McCarthy and Prince 1990, Crowhurst 1991b) and from the facts of Yidinʸ stress (Dixon 1977, Crowhurst 1991a, Crowhurst and Hewitt, to appear). Next, stress is shown to exhibit the following auto segmental properties: stability (Bedouin Hijazi Arabic) , morphemic stress (Spanish, Turkish, Tagalog) and the ability to float (Mayo, Tagalog). After comparing the properties of stress with those of autosegments, it is concluded that stress is an autosegment. Assuming that feet can be either disyllabic, bimoraic or iambic (Hayes 1991), the above conclusion predicts the existence of five types of binary stressed feet. These are the left- and right-stressed syllabic foot, instantiated by Warao and Mayo, respectively, the left- and right-stressed moraic foot, instantiated by Cairene Arabic and Turkish, respectively, and the iambic foot, instantiated by Hixkaryana. The asymmetric nature of the iamb is attributed to the Weight-to-Stress Principle (Prince 1990), which allows stress to be assigned directly to heavy syllables. Furthermore, this principle predict6 all and only the attested types of unbounded stress systems. Chapter 5 argues that stressless feet and unfooted stresses are instantiated in Mayo, and the theories of Halle and Vergnaud 1987a, b and Hayes 1987, 1991 are shown to be incapable of accounting for these facts. The autosegmental theory of stress advances phonological theory in three ways. First, it eliminates most of the principles and devices which up to now have been used only to describe stress, leaving only the abstract stress autosegment which is itself subject to the principles of autosegmental theory. Second, this approach attributes many of the apparent differences between stress and tone to differences in their respective domains rather than differences in their formal properties. Third, the autosegmental theory of stress facilitates the formalization of a number of stress systems with heretofore complex analyses, including Yidinʸ, Mayo, Cairene Arabic, Turkish, Khalkha Mongolian and Tagalog.

A dichotic listening task was used to investigate the lateralization of sarcasm processing. Thirty-nine right-handed students were asked to identify which ear heard sarcastic and sincere phrases. Prosody and discourse context were simultaneously manipulated. For some trials, participants heard only the short prosodic phrases, while on other trials participants heard short vignettes prior to the phrases, which provided a context that primed either literal (sincere) or non-literal (sarcastic) interpretation. Contrary to Voyer et al. (2008), there were no differences in accuracy between the two hemispheres. However, when discourse context and prosody did not match, there was a significant right hemisphere advantage for sarcasm recognition and a left hemisphere advantage for the recognition of sincere utterances. / Department of Psychological Science

It is widely recognized that differences in both prosodic complexity and position-sensitive contrasts exist both within and across languages. In contemporary phonological theory, these differences are often attributed to differences between heads and non-heads and the asymmetries in licensing potential that exist between such positions. / In this thesis, the consequences of such differences for the second language (L2) acquisition of prosodic complexity and position-sensitive contrasts are explored. It is argued that an explanatorily adequate account of L2 syllabification must include highly-structured representations as well as a theory of licensing, which distinguishes between the licensing of a given position and the licensing of featural content in such a position. Using data drawn primarily from a number of studies that investigate the acquisition of French by native speakers of English and Mandarin, it is demonstrated that the widely-attested interlanguage (IL) syllable-structure-modification processes of deletion, epenthesis, and feature change have a common source. Specifically, all three processes result from the IL grammar's inability to license a syllable position or (some of) the featural content present in such a position in the target representation. Within Optimality theory, the framework adopted, this is formalized through the competition between Faithfulness constraints and Markedness constraints, which evaluate the wellformedness of the licensing relationships. Finally, it is argued that Prosodic Licensing and the principle of Licensing Inheritance from Harris (1997) work together to encode prosodic markedness in representation, as they create a series of head-dependent asymmetries in which heads are strong licensors vis-a-vis their dependents.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Hawaii at Manoa, 1996. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 177-191). / Microfiche. / xv, 191 leaves, bound ill. 29 cm

Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Melbourne, Dept. of Linguistics and Applied Linguistics, 2003. / Typescript (photocopy). Includes bibliographical references (leaves 439-476).

Originally presented as the author's Thesis (Ph. D.)--Brandeis University, 1994. / Includes bibliographical references (p. 161-172).