This paper examines two different theories in relation to the optimal modes of public deliberation about constitutional values and the public good in the context of democratic pluralism: Rawlsian Public Reason and Nedelsky’s Enlarged Mentality. I challenge Rawlsian public reason’s claim to epistemic abstinence, autonomy and its claim to reflect a political conception of justice by examining certain contradictory aspects of its theoretical rendition. I argue that significant aspects of the picture of democracy that Rawlsian public reason reflects are unempirical. I argue that Rawlsian public reason’s concept of bracketing moral and religious argumentation from public deliberation is unjustifiable, unattainable and derogates from Canadian constitutional values. I proffer that Nedelsky’s enlarged mentality is preferable as it is more realistic and consonant with Canadian constitutional values. I argue that Nedelsky’s enlarged mentality is facilitative of genuine and meaningful dialogic exchange in spite of difference whilst managing the risk of democratic instability.

This paper examines two different theories in relation to the optimal modes of public deliberation about constitutional values and the public good in the context of democratic pluralism: Rawlsian Public Reason and Nedelsky’s Enlarged Mentality. I challenge Rawlsian public reason’s claim to epistemic abstinence, autonomy and its claim to reflect a political conception of justice by examining certain contradictory aspects of its theoretical rendition. I argue that significant aspects of the picture of democracy that Rawlsian public reason reflects are unempirical. I argue that Rawlsian public reason’s concept of bracketing moral and religious argumentation from public deliberation is unjustifiable, unattainable and derogates from Canadian constitutional values. I proffer that Nedelsky’s enlarged mentality is preferable as it is more realistic and consonant with Canadian constitutional values. I argue that Nedelsky’s enlarged mentality is facilitative of genuine and meaningful dialogic exchange in spite of difference whilst managing the risk of democratic instability.

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The overall aim with this dissertation is to contribute to a deeper knowledge of three interwoven problem complexes. First, the aim is to analyse the functions of the press in society, in this context with a particular focus on the provincial press. Second, special attention is given to the significance of regional patterns of values for the potential of the newspapers to function. Third, the dissertation deals with the difficult and complex questions of the conditions for the public discourse. The primary aim is to analyse in detail what can be expressed in a particular environment at a particular time. The area investigated is the county of Kronoberg in the period 1880-1910. The empirical basis for the dissertation consists of in-depth studies of some attempts to establish newspapers in the county, along with a number of thematic studies. On the basis of previous research a number of functions of the press has been identified: information, politics, economy, education, entertainment and identity. The thematic studies of this dissertation reveals the context-bound relationship between the various functions. All the studies conducted here shows clearly that the occurrence of specific regional patterns of values was of great significance for the actions of the newspapers. All the newspapers studied recognize the existence of a shared foundation of values in the region. Some of the newspapers supported the ideals, others tried to combat them. None of them tried to deny that they existed or that they were significant. With Jürgen Habermas' model of public discourse as a starting-point and with the aid of four key terms - public sphere, accessibility, critique and discursive tone - I have systematically tried to capture the significance of the press for the conditions in which the public discourse is carried on.

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This paper presents a critical analysis of the cultural and social constructions of aging and the aged which pervade public discourse around the growing population of elders in the U.S. Elders are socially 'othered' through processes of medicalization and categorization as an "at risk" group. Furthermore, elders are culturally constructed as unproductive and overconsumptive collective resources. As elders become increasingly central in social and political discourse surrounding health care and the division of resources, these culturally and socially constructed stereotypes have a real impact on social identity and policy decisions. The paper concludes with a discussion of the role of anthropology in contributing a critical perspective to the study of elders.

This study examines the mutually constitutive relationship between the print culture of the late nineteenth-century Ottoman Empire and the framework of social, cultural and political transformations in which that culture operated. This study crosses traditional disciplinary lines between literary studies and intellectual history by arguing for the modification of one of the central premises of modernization theory: the existence of an overtly masculine political public sphere standing in contrast to a supposedly nonpolitical feminine domestic and private sphere. By examining newspapers, magazines, journals, and novels, which reflected the emergence of communities of readers, I show that the print culture became central to the mediation and diffusion of themes in public discourse; and furthermore, I show that it diminished the separation between the public and private spheres as it penetrated into the domestic space and was used to insert issues from the private sphere into the public domain. Arguing that Ottoman intellectuals saw the novel as an instrument to disseminate their political, social, and cultural agendas, I examine Henüz On Yedi Yaşında (Only Seventeen Years Old; 1882) by Ahmet Mithat Efendi, focusing on how gender, ethnicity, and sexuality in early Turkish novels were imagined and represented. Based on my research in Ottoman and Turkish archives between 2004 and 2006, I show how women’s journals ensured the visibility of Ottoman women as writers in the public sphere. Women’s journals established a real intellectual community of women writers and readers who between them overtly introduced a feminist agenda into the public sphere. As part of my project of recovering the cultural work women's novels did within the political arena of nineteenth century Ottoman society, I also discuss the forgotten life and works Fatma Aliye Hanım, one of the first Ottoman woman novelists, analyzing two of her novels, Muhâdarât (1891-92) and Refet (1897). Finally, I explore the reasons why several Ottoman women writers were forgotten after the establishment of the Turkish Republic and why they are not included in the Turkish literary canon today. / text

„Dviguba pilietybė Lietuvoje (viešojo diskurso analizė) 2002-2008 metais“ – tai tyrimas apie svarstybas Lietuvos Respublikos Seime ir Lietuvos bei išeivijos žiniasklaidoje dėl dvigubos pilietybės statuso pripažinimo teisiniame LR pilietybės reguliavime. Darbe analizuojamos viešojo diskurso funkcionavimo ypatybės dalyvių ir turinio aspektais. Žvelgiant į teisinio-politinio-visuomeninio lygmens veiksmus Lietuvoje ir išeivijos akcijas bei tarp šių pusių vykusią polemiką matyti, kad dvigubos pilietybės klausimas Lietuvoje keliamas trijuose pagrindiniuose kontekstuose: dviguba pilietybė kaip ryšio su lietuvių išeivija išsaugojimo priemonė; statuso pripažinimas ne lietuvių kilmės asmenims; galiausiai, dvigubų/keleriopų piliečių, gavusių LR pilietybę prezidentinės išimties tvarka, klausimas. Išanalizavus kiekybinio ir kokybinio tyrimo metu gautus duomenis pastebėta, kad diskusijose apie dvigubą pilietybę lietuvių kilmės asmenims gvildenama emigracijos problema, pabrėžiamas išeivijos indėlis į Lietuvos ekonominį, kultūrinį, visuomeninį gyvenimą, taip pat emocinio ryšio su Lietuva ir kilmės šaknų svarba. Nemažai dėmesio skiriama pilietybės instituto reikšmės kvestionavimui, piliečio ir valstybės tarpusavio įsipareigojimo (teisių ir pareigų) aspektais. Polemikoje dėl dvigubos pilietybės ne lietuvių kilmės asmenims paliečiamos restitucijos, grėsmės nacionaliniam saugumui klausimas ir diskriminacijos tautinių mažumų atžvilgiu elementas. Lietuvos patirtis suteikiant pilietybę išimties... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] / This research aims to analyse dual citizenship status in Lithuania as a concept in Parliamentary debates as well as in media throughout Lithuania and Lithuanian communities living abroad. Analysis has taken a two level direction – the main characteristics of participants and their groups in public discourse and its content examination at the same time. The changes in legal, political and social level in Lithuania in addition stimulated by Lithuanian Diaspora movements brought dual citizenship question into the discourse field in connection with three different contexts the topic is most often debated in. First of all, the development of a sending state pattern, where dual citizenship can be seen as a way to maintain links with Lithuanian Diaspora. Secondly, how it is seen in recognition of dual citizenship status for other ethnic origins residing in Lithuania and abroad. And finally, the topic can be viewed in the context of dual citizens by the rule of exception. In order to find an answer to the main objective of this research, study employs an eclectic methodological approach, comprising comparative qualitative and quantitative discourse analysis. Given results demonstrated that there is no overall tendency in the development of this field, however main topics can be recognised in each context. Such as emigration, the role of Lithuanian Diaspora and its contribution to economic, cultural, social life in Lithuania, the emotion and identity in expression of the relationship... [to full text]

This dissertation is a qualitative discourse analysis study. The study seeks to understand roles of organizational discourse and management discourse in stimulating strategic organizational change, and facilitating organizational culture dynamics and identity development. Specifically, this study examines how The Haier Group Company has constructed, disseminated and entrenched its corporate public discourse (CPD) as a symbolic and rhetorical means for stimulating organizational change in the context of global challenges. Theoretical positions guiding this study are: globalization, the nexus of the global and local, glocalization, transculturation and hybridity, as well as organizational communication, organizational discourse study, organizational discourse analysis, and corporate public discourse. Methodologically, to better reveal the impact of globalization on organizational communication in a primarily non-Western context, this study adopts an interpretive-oriented approach, and adds a critical element from the language- ideology-power perspective. The data for this study is composed of a multiplicity of corporate public discourses (including print, online, audio-visual forms of texts, and artifacts) primarily produced by Haier between 1984 and 2004. In analyzing Haier's main CPD, this study examines how Haier has strategically constructed, disseminated, and entrenched the organization's culture, ideology, identity, and brand building. It also analyzes and demonstrates how Haier has, discursively and strategically, cultivated an organizational environment that fostered strategic organizational change. As the data set is diverse and large, the textual analysis and discussion depends on a combined use of organizational rhetorical analysis and storytelling analysis. To conclude, broadly, this study of Haier's corporate public discourse demonstrates China's current position within the historical phenomenon of globalization. More specifically, it shows that through constructing and communicating a specific organizational discourse about globalization and Haier's place in it, the Haier CEO and management is creating a reality that is challenging the dominant West- and U.S.-centric interpretations of globalization. This discourse challenges the notion that globalization is a new phenomenon, and that certain established and powerful global economic players will forever remain in positions of dominance. It frames globalization as a fluid phenomenon involving cultural fusion. This study is significant in at least two aspects. First, it demonstrates the impact of global mobility and interconnectivity upon a non-Western business corporation's communication strategies thereby adding to the scant numbers of empirical studies on this topic. Also, it differs from the extant studies on Haier, which are primarily case studies conducted by MBA scholars and practitioners of business and management, and provided an intercultural and organizational communication perspective. Second, this study demonstrates the utility of specific globalization concepts such as the global-local dialectic, glocalization, as well as some international/intercultural concepts such as transculturation and hybridity in studying organizational communication in a transnational context. One contribution of this study is its "insider" Chinese view of how Confucianism has shaped organizational communication practices in P. R. China. Another contribution is the "insider-outsider" perspective adopted in examining Haier's strategic communication about organizational change in an age of globalization. This `straddling' position is helpful in achieving an interpretive understanding of the impact of globalization upon organizational communication as it is situated in a mainly non-Western context.

abstract: In this dissertation, I study large-scale civic conversations where technology extends the range of “discourse visibility” beyond what human eyes and ears can meaningfully process without technical assistance. Analyzing government documents on digital innovation in government, emerging data activism practices, and large-scale civic conversations on social media, I advance a rhetoric for productively listening to democratic discourse as it is practiced in 2016. I propose practical strategies for how various governments—from the local to the United Nations international climate talks—might appropriately use technical interventions to assist civic dialogues and make civic decisions. Acknowledging that we must not lose the value that comes from face-to-face civic deliberation, I suggest practical pathways for how and when to use technology to increase democratic engagement from all stakeholders. / Dissertation/Thesis / Doctoral Dissertation English 2016