Im Zuge der Diskussionen um den Irakkrieg 2003 oder den Einsatz des israelischen Militärs gegen die Hisbollah 2006 konnte beobachtet werden, dass sich die extreme Linke stärker denn je dem politischen Islam angenährt hat. Zwar gab es bereits in den 1970ern Kooperationen linker und palästinensischer Terroristen, jedoch lässt sich festhalten, dass sich der Diskurs in Teilen der Linken (vor allem im „antizionistischen“, „antiimperialistischen“ Spektrum) ebenso wie bei den vormals eher säkular ausgerichteten arabischen Extremisten „islamisiert“ hat. Auf der anderen Seite finden sich im „islamischen Widerstand“ verschiedene Vokabeln und Denkfiguren wieder, die aus der „antiimperialistischen“ Rhetorik der Linken bekannt sind. Trotz dieser Auffälligkeiten gab es bislang nur wenige Versuche, die extreme Linke (teilweise auch die extreme Rechte) in Verbindung mit dem salafistischen Islamismus zu bringen. Der Islamismus gilt hierbei dann oftmals als „dritter Totalitarismus“ oder „Islamofaschismus“, der die Riege totalitärer Ordnungsvorstellungen von Marxismus-Leninismus und Faschismus/Nationalsozialismus um eine weitere Spielart erweitert. In der Regel erfolgt diese Einordnung und Bewertung jedoch im Rahmen politischer Kommentare oder Essays und ohne tiefer gehende theoretische Betrachtung. Arbeiten, die sich – meist aus Perspektive des bundesdeutschen Verfassungsschutzes – mit möglichen Querfrontbestrebungen beschäftigen, gleichen das theoretische Manko zwar teilweise aus, gleichzeitig jedoch entbehren sie einer tiefer greifenden Analyse der ideologischen Basis der betrachteten Extremismen und verharren bei den oberflächlich zu erkennenden Feinbildern der jeweiligen Strömungen als Vergleichsmaßstab. Die Arbeit schließt diese Lücke, indem sie in vergleichender qualitativer Betrachtung ideologische Schnittstellen zwischen der extremen Linken und dem salafistischen Islamismus untersucht. Den ideologischen Konstrukten kommt dabei eine wesentliche Rolle zu. Weltanschauliche Grundannahmen beeinflussen die Wahrnehmung der Umwelt und der eigenen Rolle innerhalb derselben; erst ihre Bindungskraft schafft einen Ordnungsrahmen, anhand dessen sich Gleichgesinnte zu einer Gruppe zusammenschließen können, um gemeinsame Ziele zu verfolgen. Diese Erkenntnis hat sich auch in konstruktivistischen Erklärungsansätzen internationaler Politik niedergeschlagen und beschränkt sich nicht nur auf die klassischen Akteure im internationalen System – die Nationalstaaten. Auch nichtstaatliche Akteure wie eben die Protagonisten des internationalen Terrorismus lassen sich auf diese Weise erfassen. In der Untersuchung wird nach einleitenden Begriffserklärungen und Ausführungen zur angewandten Methodik zunächst eine idealtypische extreme Linke konstruiert, deren spezifische Ziele, Feindbilder etc. (Primärebene) und Vorstellungen über den Weg zum Erreichen dieser Ziele (Sekundärebene) die Analysekategorie für den nächsten Untersuchungsschritt bilden. In diesem werden Quellen des Salafismus inhaltsanalytisch untersucht und so ideologische Schnittstellen aufgezeigt. Hierbei werden Sayyid Qutbs „Milestones“, Ayman az-Zawahiris „Knights under the Prophet’s Banner“ sowie verschiedene Botschaften Usama Bin Ladins als Quellenmaterial herangezogen. Der Fokus der Untersuchung liegt auf dem „al-Qa’idaismus“ als derzeit offensichtlichste Ausprägung eines weltweiten islamistischen Terrorismus. Ausgehend von der idealtypischen Linken werden dabei nicht nur Schnittmengen auf der Sekundärebene oder hinsichtlich gemeinsamer Feindbilder (Antisemitismus, Antiamerikanismus, Antikapitalismus) festgestellt, wie dies bereits von anderen Autoren teilweise vorgenommen wurde. Vielmehr finden sich auch bei der positiven Zielbestimmung zumindest deklaratorische Gemeinsamkeiten, wenn etwa auch im Islamismus eine „herrschaftsfreie Gesellschaft“ verwirklicht werden soll und das Ziel der Gleichheit aller Menschen propagiert wird. Abschließend wird die Frage diskutiert, ob sich aus den Ergebnissen neue Erkenntnisse hinsichtlich einer möglichen „Querfrontbildung“ zwischen der extremen Linken und dem Islamismus ergeben. Insbesondere durch Bin Ladin gab es bereits mehrfach Versuche, auch nicht-islamistische Kräfte für seinen Kampf zu gewinnen. Auch bei der extremen Linken finden sich Stimmen, die im Islamismus und seiner Betonung des Religiösen lediglich ein Überbleibsel alter Strukturen erkennen, die nach erfolgreichem antiimperialistischem Kampf verschwinden werden. Dass positive Zielbestimmungen geteilt werden, lässt eine Querfrontbildung zumindest von Teilen des linksextremen und islamistischen Spektrums möglich erscheinen. In dem Maße, in dem sich der „al-Qa’idaismus“ im Sinne des Modells der „Leaderless Resistance“ entwickelt, können sich auch einzelne Linksextremisten zu Solidaritätsaktionen ermutigt fühlen. / While the ideological threat by al-Qa’ida and other Islamist groups has been compared to Fascism before, comparisons with the extreme Left have been made rather seldom, despite the fact, that within the extreme Left there are noticeable trends to express solidarity with Islamists and their “anti-imperialist” struggle. At the same time, the rhetoric of leading figures of “al-Qa’idaism” borrows heavily from the social revolutionary vocabulary of the Left. This work compares key ideological premises of the extreme Left with those of Islamic fundamentalism, exemplified by Usama Bin Ladins al-Qa’ida, and derived from a content analysis of various sources of Islamism (Sayyid Qutb’s “Milestones”, Ayman az-Zawahiri’s “Knights under the Prophet’s Banner” as well as various messages by Usama Bin Ladin). Both ideologies are considered to be “resistance identities” (Castells), directed at the perceived dominance of liberal capitalism and globalization. Both propagate a pre-modern model for the organization of society, they believe to be tainted by modernism. As the first step in this approach, an ideal model of the extreme Left is constructed, trying to incorporate its various shapes into a single model. The goals and enemies (primary characteristics) as well as the proposed ways and means in order to achieve these goals (secondary characteristics) are then used in a content analysis of the sources on Islamism. While previous authors have found various convergences on the secondary level as well as common enemies, so far common goals beyond the immediate victory over the United States, Israel or capitalism have been dismissed as unlikely. This is explained by obvious differences between Islamists and leftists concerning the role of women in society or the importance of religion. However, a more thorough comparison of the two ideologies shows that, despite these differences, Islamists as well as Leftists propagate a societal model based on cooperation, without recourse to man-made laws or any form of government. This positively defined utopia could serve as a rationale for cooperation between leftist extremists and Islamists stretching beyond the “common enemy”. Already, members of the extreme Left have explained the popularity of Islamism within the Islamic world with the Marxian term of “opiate for the masses”, thus expressing belief that as soon as “repression” and “exploitation” of the Third World have ended, the need for religion will vanish. In this point of view, differences about the role of religion could be defused. The more “al-Qa’idaism” is transforming into a form of leaderless resistance, individual terrorist acts committed by Leftist extremist in “solidarity” with the “Islamic masses” could occur.

The term “Fundamentalism” used as a comparative category within the academic study of religion has become problematic. Fundamentalism, is not one comprehensive movement but is, in fact, a phenomenon which encompasses a variety of beliefs, practices, and expectations. This thesis will explore the diversity of several different and distinct fundamentalist movements. I will discuss the natures of four Christian movements that have been labeled “fundamentalist” – Jehovah’s Witnesses, Christian Reconstructionists, Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson – on several key points, eschatology, political philosophy, as well as level of social involvement. I will then turn to fundamentalism as it is used as a category to describe a global phenomenon. I will discuss three different scholarly approaches by turning to the work of Bruce Lawrence, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Bruce Lincoln on the Islamic “fundamentalist” group al- Qaeda. Finally I will argue that the category “fundamentalism” can be best understood in terms of a family resemblance.

This thesis examines how the international terrorist group known as Al Qaeda has expanded its operations globally since 9/11. Case studies of Al Qaeda’s operations in the Arabian Peninsula, the United Kingdom, and the United States illustrate how the organization has exploited diverse environmental conditions to achieve either a limited or fully integrated local presence. This thesis argues that Al Qaeda has evolved into a highly diffuse and decentralized franchise that exercises little command and control over its organizational arms.

The contemporary Islamist extremist/terrorist phenomenon has emerged as one of the most significant threats to both regional and international peace, security, and stability. As the international community struggles to develop a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon in its present context, the academic community should respond and discuss this subject from all relevant disciplinary backgrounds and perspectives. If effective and successful policies, strategies, and tactics are to be developed in order to adequately confront these transnational actors, all dimensions of the subject need to be explored. This thesis examines certain aspects of the under-theorized geographical dimension of Islamist extremist/terrorism. Focusing on Al Qaeda and other members of the Islamist extremist/terrorist constituency, this thesis explores the geographical and spatial imagination of the Islamist terrorist subject and deconstructs the geographical and spatial imaginings of Islamist extremism/terrorism through critically analyzing the diffuse international structure of Islamist terrorism and its related groups, the cultural ?space? Islamist extremist/terrorist actors occupy, and the function of landscape in the identity and subjectivity of Islamist extremist/terrorism.

The contemporary Islamist extremist/terrorist phenomenon has emerged as one of the most significant threats to both regional and international peace, security, and stability. As the international community struggles to develop a comprehensive understanding of this phenomenon in its present context, the academic community should respond and discuss this subject from all relevant disciplinary backgrounds and perspectives. If effective and successful policies, strategies, and tactics are to be developed in order to adequately confront these transnational actors, all dimensions of the subject need to be explored. This thesis examines certain aspects of the under-theorized geographical dimension of Islamist extremist/terrorism. Focusing on Al Qaeda and other members of the Islamist extremist/terrorist constituency, this thesis explores the geographical and spatial imagination of the Islamist terrorist subject and deconstructs the geographical and spatial imaginings of Islamist extremism/terrorism through critically analyzing the diffuse international structure of Islamist terrorism and its related groups, the cultural ?space? Islamist extremist/terrorist actors occupy, and the function of landscape in the identity and subjectivity of Islamist extremist/terrorism.

This thesis is concerned with political psychology as an academic field with regard to the explanatory power of political psychology accounts in understanding the al-Qaeda network. Understanding al-Qaeda as a network of cells dispersed worldwide and in cooperation with local militant Islamist groups requires analysis at individual and group level, a multidisciplinary and multimethod research and focus on context and process. In this sense, political psychology accounts appear to have explanatory power to understand the al-Qaeda network, utilizing the defining characteristics of the field. Analyzing al-Qaeda through the lenses of political psychology, it can be concluded that psychoanalytically based approaches may not be very relevant to approach al-Qaeda. In this regard, this thesis promotes the study of the al-Qaeda network by concentrating on the group level of analysis. In this context, sociological accounts, social psychological framework of moral disengagement mechanisms, developmental psychology approach of social learning theory and large group in its own right provide us with powerful frameworks to study the causes, process and effects of al-Qaeda&rsquo / s terrorist activities.

The majority of studies on terrorist groups in the past have been conducted from the perspectives of political science, sociology, or psychology. This historical comparative study examines two terrorist organizations through a human resource development (HRD) lens. The study's goal is to provide a fresh perspective on terrorism to the current discussion of the subject within the public and private sectors. A comprehensive literature review is used to examine religiously based terrorist groups. The following HRD models and theories are used to frame this research: the Basic Systems Model of Swanson and Holton (2001), Daft's definition of an organization (2001), the work of Watkins and Marsick (1992 & 1993) on learning organizations, and group theory as discussed by Johnson and Johnson (2000). Crenshaw's (2001) work on terrorist group theory also helps provide a foundation to the discussion. The study begins with a short review of terrorism during the twentieth, and the first years of the twenty-first centuries. Next, the histories, cultures, and beliefs of the fundamentalist Islamic or Islamist movement and the Christian Identity movement are traced. The focus is then narrowed and an in-depth study of al-Qaeda and the Phinehas Priesthood, from the Islamist and Christian Identity movements, respectively, is conducted. The context of HRD organizational traits is used to portray the similarities and differences between these terrorist groups. There were eight major findings from this study. 1. Al-Qaeda and the Phinehas Priesthood possess structure and demonstrate input, output, process, and interaction with, and feedback from their external environment (Swanson & Holton, 2001) as do conventional organizations. 2. Both groups demonstrate structure and group dynamics similar to conventional organizations. 3. Members of both groups profess beliefs similar to those in mainstream Islam and Christianity, respectively. 4. The belief that God's law is superior to that of man in held in common by al-Qaeda and the Priesthood. This belief is based on the revealed word of God, the Koran and Bible, respectively. 5. Members of both groups believe they have been chosen by God to right the wrongs of society and/or the world. Violent acts in support of this mission are fully justified. 6. A common goal of these groups is to establish racially and culturally pure societies on some scale. 7. Al-Qaeda and the Phinehas Priesthood are both anti-Semitic. 8. Members of these groups are culturally isolated from mainstream society. The study makes four recommendations to HRD practitioners, government policy makers, and educators in pursuit of the goal of providing a fresh perspective on terrorism.

<p>Through the increase in globalization over the last twenty years the world has become ’smaller’. The many positive aspects of the phenomenon sometimes make us overlook the negative aspects of globalization. Just as economic markets and communication has moved beyond national borders one of the most negative aspects of society has also become global, namely terrorism. As terrorism has moved on to the global spectrum so has the prevention of terrorism. National governments that are trying to combat terrorism have begun to realize that problems that other nations are facing in another continent could eventually affect their national security. Other nation states that are experiencing state failure may become a national security risk. The aim of this thesis is to examine if global terrorist organizations take advantage of the many problems that a nation faces when it is subject to state failure. It has not been to examine the phenomenon of global terrorism itself or why certain nation states fail. It has rather been to see if there is a connection between the two and if so, how do global terrorist organizations take advantage of these opportunities?</p><p>The most famous, or infamous, global terrorist organization al Qaeda has on many occasions used the fact that a state is experiencing failure to their advantage. Many of the more common problems that a failed state will face (loss of territorial control, disastrous domestic economy, and bad leadership) have been exploited by al Qaeda who have been able to build an effective infrastructure, build training cams and religious schools, and gain public support in two of the most troubled nations in the world; Afghanistan and Sudan.</p><p>The conclusion that can be drawn from this examination of the connection between global terrorism and failed states is that terrorist organizations have on several occasions taken advantage of the problems associated with state failure in order to become stronger and build a working infrastructure. It is, however, important to note that terrorism is very rarely the reason fore state failure. Furthermore, the fact that a sate is experiencing state failure does not automatically mean that it will be a breathing ground for global terrorism.</p>

The term “Fundamentalism” used as a comparative category within the academic study of religion has become problematic. Fundamentalism, is not one comprehensive movement but is, in fact, a phenomenon which encompasses a variety of beliefs, practices, and expectations. This thesis will explore the diversity of several different and distinct fundamentalist movements. I will discuss the natures of four Christian movements that have been labeled “fundamentalist” – Jehovah’s Witnesses, Christian Reconstructionists, Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson – on several key points, eschatology, political philosophy, as well as level of social involvement. I will then turn to fundamentalism as it is used as a category to describe a global phenomenon. I will discuss three different scholarly approaches by turning to the work of Bruce Lawrence, Mark Juergensmeyer, and Bruce Lincoln on the Islamic “fundamentalist” group al- Qaeda. Finally I will argue that the category “fundamentalism” can be best understood in terms of a family resemblance.

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