Traditionally, rape has been viewed as a crime perpetrated by men against women. However, it is now recognised that males can also be victims of rape. The current research had several interrelated aims to; (i) provide a profile of both male and female rape victims, (ii) compare the characteristics of rape perpetrated against male and female victims, (iii) estimate the incidence of male and female rape within the general community, (iv) describe the reporting practices of rape victims, and (v) determine the relationship between rape and depression, suicide ideation, and suicide attempts. The community's level of rape myth endorsement was also explored. Rape myths were defined as attitudes and beliefs about rape, rape victims, and rapists that are generally false but are widely and persistently held, and serve to deny and justify sexual aggression against women and men. The present study compared rape myth endorsement levels concerning both male and female victims. However, it was first necessary to construct a rape myth questionnaire, the Rape Attitudinal Scale (RAQ), which minimised the methodological limitations of pre-existing scales. The current research utilised online methodology and, in total, 560 individuals participated in the research. It was found that almost two out of every five participants had been a victim of rape during their lifetime, with males accounting for 8.60% of the raped sample. Rape victims emanated from a variety of demographic backgrounds and the gender differences between the characteristics of the rape were discussed. Approximately one in seven rape victims stated that they had reported the rape to police, with half of those rape victims regretting informing the police of their experience. Almost twice as many female rape victims than male rape victims failed to report their rape to anyone. It was also found that victims of rape are more likely to report rape to authorities when the rape fits the

Thesis (Psy. D.)--Wheaton College (Ill.), 2006. / Includes questionnaire and scenarios in Korean. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 64-71).

Thesis (Psy. D.)--Wheaton College (Ill.), 2006. / Abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 64-71).

The purposes of this study were threefold: 1.) to duplicate previous studies by demonstrating differences in victim blame attribution, minimization of rape, and degree of excusing the perpetrator between homosexual and heterosexual victims; 2.) determine if similar patterns will be shown with male victims as with female victims in the demonstration of rape myths when the victim and perpetrator are acquainted or strangers; and 3.) test the mediation effect of homophobia on perceptions of male rape victims. 119 university students participated. Participants read a scenario in which a homosexual or heterosexual was raped by a male stranger or acquaintance. Participants then answered questions judging the seriousness of the attack and the degree of responsibility held by the victim and perpetrator. Participants also answered questions measuring their homophobic and traditional gender role beliefs. Significant differences were found between the male and female participants in victim blame attribution and rape minimization. Significant differences were also found in the amount of blame attributed to the victim and perceived seriousness of the attack between stranger and acquaintance rape for heterosexual victims, and the degree of rape minimization between heterosexual and homosexual victims of acquaintance rape. Homophobia and gender role traditionality were not found to be mediating variables in predicting victim blame attribution, degree of rape minimization, or degree of excusing the perpetrator. This study expands the current literature by examining the effects of the victim-perpetrator relationship in perceptions of male rape victims, as well as adding to the vast amount of literature suggesting that sexual orientation plays a role in how one views a male rape victim.

Through the use of focus groups and interviews, this research aims to increase understanding of the ways in which the public in Adelaide, South Australia draw on well documented rape myths and the influence of this process on their understandings of consent to sexual intercourse. This research explores how individual attitudes and opinions about rape are shaped through social interaction, including comparing the attitudes of men and women. Equal numbers of men and women were drawn from one geographical location by snowball sampling and vignettes were used to facilitate discussion in focus groups. Findings showed that rape myths remain influential amongst the public and are often used to attribute responsibility to women in acquaintance rape scenarios. However, analysis of the public’s engagement with rape myths revealed a complex process. People did not simply adhere to or challenge rape myths but rather these myths were engaged with in different ways at different times and in different circumstances. Findings also highlighted the complexity of the notion of consent and revealed contradictions in the ways in which consent was understood. Moreover, in many cases despite being willing to label an incident as rape, participants were still reluctant to say that they would find the man guilty of the crime of rape. Overall, this study suggests that the public struggle with issues concerning how rape is defined and that this has widespread implications both for rape victims and for the Australian legal system. Findings also suggest that radical attitude change is required before any real improvement will be seen in rape conviction rates.

Thesis (M.A.)--Eastern Illinois University, 2009. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves 109-123).

The study of coping with stress has been disjointed, lacking a coherent model. The present work proposes a theoretical framework for understanding coping based on approach and avoidance. Approach and avoidance are discussed in terms of the psychoanalytic concepts of defense and working through and other historical precursors as well as recent research on coping with traumatic events. Two experiments are presented. The first consists of a scale-construction study of the Cohen Roth Approach Avoidance Scale, a self- report measure of coping strategies. A revised version of this scale is proposed based on factor-analytic data from a mixed-stress sample. Experiment 2 is a study of the long-term impact of rape. Seventy-three women, who were victims of rape an average of eight years ago, were given questionnaires covering the following areas: demographics, nature of the assault, coping styles, and current level of functioning. Most of the sample was found to still be in moderate to severe distress. The relationships between outcome and demographics, situational variables, and behavior after the assault are discussed in the context of prior research in this area. Approach and avoidance strategies, measured by the revised Cohen Roth Approach Avoidance Scale, had a complex relationship with outcome. This relationship is discussed in the context of the theoretical model of coping presented in the Introduction, focusing on the difficulty women have in resolving the trauma of rape. / This thesis was digitized as part of a project begun in 2014 to increase the number of Duke psychology theses available online. The digitization project was spearheaded by Ciara Healy.

Research has demonstrated that the general public accepts many rape myths and that rape attitudes are strongly connected to other deeply held and pervasive attitudes. However, it has not been clear whether police officers reflected similar attitudes. This research attempted to ascertain if police share the same antecedents of rape myth acceptance as the general public. Using officers from two police departments, it was demonstrated that attidudes regarding sex role stereotyping, sexual conservatism, acceptance of interpersonal violence, and adversarial sexual beliefs were significantly correlated with acceptance of rape myths. However, police were more pro-victim (p < .01) in their attitudes as compared to the general public. Officers who received specialized rape-related training were not significantly different in rape attitudes from those officers who had not received training.

Thesis advisor: James F. Keenan / This dissertation addresses the problem of rape on campus in the United States. It takes seriously the data offered by the social sciences which demonstrate not only that approximately twenty percent of college women will experience a completed or attempted rape, but also that rape is, itself, on a “continuum of violence” that marks women’s lives. In addition to rape, women also face harassment, visual abuse, and stalking. All are components of rape culture. Rape culture is also comprised of the social norms and expectations regarding gender and sexuality that constitute women according to desirability, defined by their ability to be treated as sexual objects. This culture simultaneously undergirds and veils the violent manifestations of rape. As such, it requires moral analysis. The dissertation proceeds in four chapters. The first chapter outlines the contours of the reality of campus sexuality, gender, and sexual violence with the help of the social sciences. Drawing on the social sciences, it argues that the cultural context that supports campus rape must be addressed in order to adequately work against campus rape. The second chapter draws on feminist approaches to sexual violence in order to argue that the reality of campus rape requires an interrogation of socially expected heterosexuality. Here, heterosexuality is structured around dominance and submission in order to construct gendered identities of masculinity and femininity, respectively. In the third chapter, this dissertation argues for a conception of “cultural sin” in order to theologically diagnose the way that the expectations, norms, and behaviors around sexuality participate in campus rape culture. From a theological perspective, this cultural reality violates right relationship among human beings, the dual commandment to love both God and neighbor, and it is human beings who bear moral responsibility for this sinful situation. Finally, the fourth chapter argues for a tri-fold theological and moral response to rape culture: interruption, solidarity, and conscience. Interruption works to expose the violent reality of campus rape and rape culture, challenging what seem to be common sense, taken for granted, expectations around sex and gender. Solidarity demands that all persons identify themselves with those who are victimized. It requires that one’s everyday life regarding gender presentation and sexuality are guided by the conviction to challenge the culture that victimizes so many. Through conscience, persons are called to recognize their moral duty to challenge this culture and discern the ways to put this call into action. The conscience is what is able to guide persons in moral action for participation toward greater cultural transformation. / Thesis (PhD) — Boston College, 2017. / Submitted to: Boston College. Graduate School of Arts and Sciences. / Discipline: Theology.

Typescript (photocopy). / Digitized by Kansas Correctional Industries