This project was inspired by a declaration made by built environment professionals at the World Summit on Sustainable Development (GABS, 2002), of the need for a common framework to improve decision making for sustainable development. Priori theorising indicated the suitability of governance as a topic of consideration and the possibility that a governance framework offered a potential solution. The research question was therefore: “would a governance framework for the built environment sector provide a framework in which decision making for sustainable development could be improved for all built environment stakeholders?” With an added dimension of testing for developed and developing countries, the research project was constructed on the case study methodology using the built environment sectors of the UK and Ghana. The project commenced with a review of literature which confirmed that governance is a core component of sustainable development and of increasing relevance to built environment stakeholders in both developed and developing countries. A significant gap in the literature concerning governance and the built environment sector was identified. Through analysis of literature a governance framework was constructed to act as the theoretical framework for testing. A comparative analysis of the current governance arrangements impacting on the built environment sectors in each of the case studies provided data to test the theoretical framework. A contingency valuation carried out with built environment policy makers and practitioners in Ghana provided data to further test the acceptability and applicability of the theoretical governance framework. It was concluded that a governance framework provided a robust framework in which decision making for sustainable development could be analysed and improved. Furthermore, evidence indicates that the completeness of a sector’s governance framework is a key indicator of performance for sustainable development in the built environment sector. The framework developed in this project has been used to analyse performance in Ghana’s built environment sector and the resulting policy guidance has informed the development of policy and institutional reforms in Ghana.

The thesis seeks to enhance understanding of the recent reform of capital punishment law, policies and institutions in China by studying its causes, significance, and limits. The research surveys the reform initiated by China’s top judiciary – the Supreme People’s Court - around 2006-2007. It demonstrates a changing domestic socio-political context, within which the external and internal impetus to reform is inevitable. Drawn from elite interview evidence with penal policy makers including judges, prosecutors, and legislators, the thesis concludes that Europe-inspired, cross-border abolitionist sentiments created motivation for change in China through soft mechanisms of shaming and persuasion, albeit to a limited degree. In the domestic realm, the research identified three pairs of interrelated tensions – the contradiction between elites and the public, the conflict between political intervention and judicial autonomy, and the divergent interests and priorities between top judicial organs and lower courts. These tensions are useful social, political and legal indicators to explain why and how China reformed its capital punishment machinery.

In recent years, Chinese engagement with Africa has expanded dramatically but has also become increasingly diverse as a wide range of Chinese institutions and individuals have undertaken activities on the continent. This phenomenon has attracted significant interest from scholars in different disciplines; however, most of the research carried out to date has been relatively macro-level, e.g. looking into international political-economic relations between states. This thesis aims to contribute to the recently emerging research perspective that focuses on Sino-African interactions from the ground up. It is based on sixteen months of ethnographic fieldwork carried out mainly in two sites near Lusaka, Zambia: a Chinese state-sponsored ‘agricultural technology demonstration farm’ and a private farm that is owned and run by a Chinese family. With their respective modes of organization and operation, fieldwork in these two farms provided access to very different types of interlocutors and situations. The primary focus in the thesis, building on data from these two contrasting settings, is on everyday situational interactions within the Chinese community itself and, to a lesser extent, between Chinese migrants and their Zambian hosts. The daily patterns of interaction among the Chinese migrants illustrate the essential role that emotion plays in forming and reproducing social relations and groups. On the one hand, in the Chinese folk understanding emotions are stressed and they are seen to be more important than instrumental exchanges when it comes to achieving sustainable relationships. On the other hand, as they are embedded in everyday moral interaction and conversational situations, the empathetic realization of embedded emotions is held to encourage convivial communication and group formation. At the pragmatic level, I argue that the significant role given to emotion within the folk understanding of social life may actually hinder interaction with ‘outsiders’. This can be manifested in the form of mismatched ethical practices in the course of everyday interaction. In this particular setting, it therefore causes tension between Chinese migrants and their Zambian hosts. Theoretically, against Potter’s claim that emotion is largely irrelevant in Chinese society, I argue that emotion, with an extensive connotation, is in fact the fundamental factor in the formation and reproduction of Chinese social relations.

In most mature welfare states, policy evaluations are sponsored by the very organisations that designed and implemented the intervention in the first place. Research in the area of clinical trials has consistently shown that this type of arrangement creates a moral hazard and may lead to overestimates of the effect of the treatment. Yet, no one so far has investigated whether social interventions were subject to such ‘confirmation bias’. The objective of this study was twofold. Firstly, it assessed the scientific credibility of a sample of government-sponsored pilot evaluations. Three common research prescriptions were considered: (a) the proportionality of timescales, (b) the representativeness of pilot sites; and (c) the completeness of outcome reporting. Secondly, it examined whether the known commitment of the government to a reform was associated with less credible evaluations. These questions were answered using a ‘meta-research’ methodology, which departs from the traditional interviews and surveys of agents that have dominated the literature so far. I developed the new PILOT dataset for that specific purpose. PILOT includes data systematically collected from over 230 pilot and experimental evaluations spanning 13 years of government-commissioned research in the UK (1997-2010) and four government departments (Department for Work and Pensions, Department for Education, Home Office and Ministry of Justice). PILOT was instrumental in (a) modeling pilot duration using event history analysis; (b) modeling pilot site selection using logistic regression; and (c) the systematic selection of six evaluation reports for qualitative content analysis. A total of 17 interviews with policy researchers were also conducted to inform the case study and the overall research design. The results show little overt evidence of crude bias or ‘bad’ design. On average, government-sponsored pilots (a) were based on timescales that were proportional to the scope of the research; (b) were not primarily designed with the aim of warranting representativeness; and (c) were rather comprehensively analysed in evaluation reports. In addition, the results indicate that the known commitment of the government to a reform had no significant effect on the selection of pilot sites and on the reporting of outcomes. However, it was associated with significantly shorter pilots. In conclusion, there is some evidence that the known commitment of a government to a reform is associated with less credible evaluations; however this effect is only tangible in the earlier stages of the research cycle. In this respect, sponsorship bias would appear to be more limited than in the context of industry-sponsored clinical trials. Policy recommendations are provided, as this project was severely hindered by important ‘black box’ issues and by the poor quality of evaluation reports.

This research project investigates whether the empowerment of Israel’s population — and in particular those who suffer multiple disadvantages — is achievable through housing policies and whether successive Israeli administrations have helped or hindered this process. The research focuses on communities in publicly-subsidised areas during social housing programmes. The housing programmes analysed in this research were: The Demolish and Rebuild Programme, which represents a top-down process, implemented with little residents’ involvement. Neighbourhood Renewal, which was a programme that formally offered partnership, giving residents partial share in decision-making. Finally, Right to Buy represented a resident-led partnership, in which residents felt empowered to overcome their own disadvantaged conditions by taking a leading role in transforming housing policy. The database complementing this research was compiled, in part, from 91 in-depth interviews with residents, policy makers and officials representing these three programmes. It is a unique aspect of this research, as it draws on perspectives about participation from those who have not necessarily had an opportunity to express an opinion before, and communicates a variety of views regarding the projects and residents’ participation in them. This study focuses on how it actually affects people and can even create behavioural change among those who are normally considered dependent. Another exceptional and distinctive factor provided by this research is its analysis of empowerment in the social and political context of Israel. By analysing the Israeli case, this research will contribute both to international knowledge and academic scholarship, highlight the conditions of an individual state and generate an original and provocative narrative. The issue of participation and empowerment in a society so riven with political, social, religious and ethnic tensions is particularly important. Learning from the Israeli experience has the potential to promote understanding of empowerment under pressure. Empowerment related to social housing policy is distinctive in Israel because housing is synonymous with security. Housing is more than a cultural issue, since in Israel owning a property is a matter of security. Another key feature is the focal role of central government which determines almost every aspect in the shaping of social and housing policy. Also critical is the influence of national politics on local decision-making. In Israel the political agenda is based upon bilateralism and the demographic dispersal of population across the state’s formal and informal borders. Empowerment is a complex term. This research, however, explores examined and evidenced empowerment using just two main features: examination of residents’ participation; and evaluation of public policy towards resident participation. This research offers a unique view on empowerment within social housing policies that are subject to multiple pressures, and offers interpretations that could be usefully applied to issues of empowerment in other pressure scenarios.

No description available.

Universal coverage is a core health system goal which can be met through a variety of health financing mechanisms. The focus of this PhD is on one of these mechanisms, community-based health insurance (CBHI). CBHI aims to provide financial protection from the cost of seeking health care through voluntary prepayment by community members; typically it is not-for-profit and aims to be community owned and controlled. Despite its popularity with international policymakers and donors, CBHI has performed poorly in most low and middle income countries. The overarching objective of this PhD is therefore to understand the determinants of low enrolment and high drop-out in CBHI. The PhD builds on the existing literature, which employs mainly economic and health system frameworks, by critically applying social capital theory to the analysis of CBHI. A mixed-methods multiple case study research design is used to investigate the relationship between CBHI, bonding and bridging social capital at micro and macro levels and active community participation. The study focuses on Senegal, where CBHI is a component of national health financing policy. The results suggest that CBHI enrolment is determined by having broader social networks which provide solidarity, risk pooling, financial protection and financial credit. Active participation in CBHI may prevent drop-out and increase levels of social capital. Overall, it seems CBHI is likely to favour individuals who already possess social, economic, cultural and other forms of capital and social power. At the macro level, values (such as voluntarism, trust and solidarity) and power relations inhering in social networks of CBHI stakeholders are also found to help explain low levels of CBHI enrolment at the micro level. The results imply the need for a fundamental overhaul of the current CBHI model. It is possible that the needed reforms would require local institutions to develop new capacities and resources that are so demanding that alternative public sector policies such as national social health insurance might emerge as a preferable alternative.

Today, researchers and policy makers alike are increasingly concerned about the “double burden of malnutrition” in low and middle income countries (LMICs). This ‘double burden’ is understood to be the coexistence of under- and overnutrition within one population. The definition of a ‘double burden’ relies upon the existence of chronic undernutrition among children (indicated by stunting – where children are shorter than expected for their age) and the existence of overnutrition in children or adults (child overweightness as indicated by a greater weight than expected for a given height and adult overweightness/obesity as indicated by a greater weight than height). However, research has failed to consider that children can be concurrently stunted and overweight – known here as ‘stuntingoverweightness’. In failing to consider stuntingoverweightness, the prevalence of stunting and overweightness among children has been overestimated at the population level. Stuntedoverweight children have been ‘double counted’ – once as stunted and once as overweight. This has severe implications for our understanding of malnutrition in LMICs today. The polarisation of malnutrition among children of under- and overnutrition has been exaggerated and a whole group of children have become hidden – the stuntedoverweight. This research addresses this issue. Recalculating stunting and overweightness prevalence accounting for stuntingoverweightness this research shows that, today in LMICs, up to 10.42% of children under-five are stuntedoverweight – yet no policies or programmes exist to understand the determinants of stuntingoverweightness, its effects or how to alleviate them. An individual level analysis of Albania shows stuntedoverweight children are a separate socioeconomic group and should thus be targeted for interventions separately from their stunted and overweight peers. Furthermore, failing to recognise stuntingoverweightness has led to overestimations of the burden of stunting by up to 88.54% (in Albania) and of overweight by up to 295.26% (in Benin) and skewing our understanding of the ‘burden of malnutrition’ in LMICs. The thesis shows that for nutritional strategies to be effective – research needs to consider the diverse burden of malnutrition observed in LMICs today.

This thesis proposes a reconstructed, critical cosmopolitanism that uses the identified core components of the normative branch of cosmopolitanism rooted in (Kantian) moral philosophy and the works of a wide variety of critical theorists that include feminist, postcolonial, and queer perspectives. I pay particular attention to those theorists influenced by poststructuralist deconstructions of the stable subject who focus either on the normative theory directly or on components essential to it. Normative theorists, exemplified by Thomas Pogge, Simon Caney and others, usually focus on global distributive justice, taking as a given, for example, who counts as human. Critical theorists, such as Judith Butler, question that premise. This postmodern turn has implications for what I argue are the three necessary components of cosmopolitanism: autonomy, universality, and its anti-nationalist position. However, the first two have been problematised because of their liberal conceptualisations, which then has implications for cosmopolitanism’s anti-nationalist position as well. I propose a reconfiguration of cosmopolitanism that retains the core normative concepts, but rejects their more liberal interpretations. I argue that the atomistic individual as the basis for liberal autonomy is flawed, and that liberal cosmopolitan conceptualisations of univeralism do not recognise its particularity. I also argue that that the normative theory does not fully take into account nationalism’s dependence on the marginalisations of non-normative populations within the nation state, and how those dependencies might be complicit with nationalism’s othering of those across borders. In addition to a number of normative theorists, the thesis references such multidisciplinary thinkers as Butler, Linda Zerilli and Hannah Arendt. I examine the works of different theorists to develop a reformulation of each of these concepts and integrate an intersubjective approach into these reformulations in order to assemble a feminist, intersubjective, critical cosmopolitan theory. I suggest the adoption of a ‘cosmopolitan intersubjectivity’ in order to show how these concepts can be reconfigured to work together more cohesively and give cosmopolitan theory greater internal consistency.

This thesis addresses the training needs, experiences and aspirations of a group of young Black and White women on the One Year Youth Training Scheme (YTS) in the mid-1980s. The thesis takes as its starting point the role of the State and the Manpower Services Commission in fostering a new training scheme, based on social market principles and a deficiency-centred model of young people. In turn this process of labelling young people as deficient is subjected to a critical analysis, especially in relation to the youth labour market and the rise in youth unemployment from the late 1970s up to the beginning of the research period in 1984. Thereafter, the issue of training in the context of the sample's past experiences of schooling and the labour market is examined in order to identify the most salient factors involved in their selection of the Youth Training Scheme. A focus on two case study training schemes is undertaken, where the main objective is to explore the nature of relationships between the various actors involved, ie. Black and White female trainees and staff. In doing so the central argument pursued by this thesis is that the nature of such relations determined the quality of the training received by the sample group on the two schemes in an area of West London between the summer of 1984 and 1985. In conclusion the thesis argues that based on the research evidence, the labelling of young people as deficient in employment skills is misleading, because it fails to take into account the complexity surrounding the transition from school to work.