This master's thesis is based on a Minor Field Study (MFS) and conducted in Nicaragua during seven weeks in the spring of 2011. Nicaragua has since 2006 been given international attention due to the National Assembly's decision to criminalize the previously allowed therapeutic abortion. The procedure could be used by women whose pregnancies turned out to be life threatening is now considered illegal and can result in years of imprisonment, both for women and doctors.This study focus upon the perception and opinions regarding this law among women living in Nicaragua. Distinction was made between women living in rural and urban settings. Further, women employed within organizations were chosen as a final group of interest. The aim of the study has been to explore if these women's perception have resulted in different levels of frustration and further how this variation in frustration can be explained. The study is mainly based on interviews conducted with these three groups of women. Relative deprivation was used as an analytical framework in order to explain how women's frustration could vary.It can be concluded that there were large differences in women's awareness and knowledge of the law and rural women appeared to have a rather small perceived frustration. The deprivation increased among women in urban areas, but became most intense among women active within organizations. The study has shown that religiosity, awareness and information about the law and its consequences, organization activity and to some extent level of education have the possibilities of affecting the level of frustration. The present frustration towards the law which criminalize therapeutic abortion is however not sufficient to cause collective violence or a similar reaction.

There is a known link between relative deprivation and street crime among market liberal countries. Although some research has been done with cross-national data, there is none to suggest that the observed link is as valid in a country well known for its extended welfare and generous social expenditure like Sweden. The following study uses longitudinal data to see if this recognized link between relative deprivation and street crime also stands in a country with almost a century long tradition of striving for social-, economic- and cultural equality. Even though Sweden, over the last decade, has been subjected to a series of deregulations due to policy changes at national level, and with a following rise in inequality, it is still considered to be one of the most equal countries in the west. It is therefore not unlikely that the high degree of social security will reduce the negative impact of relative deprivation on social relations among its citizens, perhaps enough so that the correlation will be significantly weakened. The results indicate that the negative impact of relative deprivation on social relations still remains evident, even with a high degree of social security, suggesting that an extensive welfare does not significantly reduce the negative effect of relative deprivation on social relations.

Zugl.: Duisburg, Essen, Univ., Diss., 2009

The purpose of the research was to explore the relationship between relative deprivation and the attitudes driving consumption of upwardly mobile South Africans. Various propositions presented in the literature were tested within the context of upwardly mobile South Africans. Two areas of focus of this study is (1) the extent and impact of relative deprivation on attitudes towards consumption and personal finances, and (2) an assessment of the differences in attitudes towards consumption and personal finances of this group. The study found that this group has a high level of self-esteem and cannot be defined as relatively deprived. Furthermore, this study demonstrates that social comparison within this group does not encourage consumption for the purpose of the achievement of social status. Of particular relevance to South Africa is that the study has demonstrated that there are very few differences in attitudes between the different race groups. This confirms that upwardly mobile South Africans are fairly homogenous in terms of their experience of relative deprivation given that both upwardly mobile blacks and whites have high self-esteem. It also demonstrates that the experience of relative deprivation by the different race groups may be more consistent with each other than previous studies have shown. / Dissertation (MBA)--University of Pretoria, 2012. / Gordon Institute of Business Science (GIBS) / unrestricted

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Researchers have failed to specify when crime and counter-normative actions, as opposed to other responses may occur as a consequence of relative deprivation. To clarify this issue, a mediational model was developed that specified the causal processes leading from the recognition of deprivation to crime and counter-normative actions. This model hypothesizes that the recognition of deprivation (cognitive relative deprivation) leads to feelings associated with this recognition (affective relative deprivation) which in turn leads to crime and counter-normative actions. This model applies to both personal and group deprivation. In both cases, the feelings associated with deprivation include anger, resentment, dissatisfaction, and discontent. Data from a sample of 950 males between the ages of 16 to 30 supported the mediational model. Moderator variables were hypothesized to influence the causal processes in the mediational model, and were thus employed to specify the conditions under which the recognition of deprivation became more likely to lead to intense emotional reactions, and the conditions under which these emotional reactions became more likely to lead to crime and counter-normative actions. Personal deprivation was found to lead to stronger emotional responses if persons were pessimistic about their deprivation being relieved in the future, while at the group level, higher levels of optimism were related to stronger emotional responses. Both types of deprivation also lead to stronger emotional responses when persons believe that financial success and wealth are important. The emotive responses for both personal and group deprivation, in turn, were more likely to lead to crime and counter-normative actions if deprived persons had criminal peers. It was also found that the recognition of personal deprivation was more likely to lead to depression and lower self-esteem if people blamed themselves for their deprivation than if they did not. Persons who were not optimistic that their deprivation would be relieved in the future were more depressed than persons who were optimistic. Persons whose in-group was deprived were more likely to have lower self-esteem if they blamed the in-group for its deprivation than if they did not.

This Bachelor thesis is a study of collective political violence in the context of the Chechen conflict which continues to this present day. The information gathered and analysed as well as the frameworks used in the analysis are taken from numerous academic texts written on the subjects of Chechnya, Terrorism and theories on conflict and conflict resolution. The Chechen conflict is a decade long intra-state conflict which has its roots in a separatist movement for secession following the breakup of the Soviet Union. The dynamics of the conflict has evolved throughout the years, maintaining many of its fundamental elements whilst at the same time transforming as new actors and dimensions emerge. Following an abductive approach, the analytical frameworks of John Burton and Ted Gurr as well as a theoretical perspective derived from Bruce Hoffman’s understanding of terrorism, have been used to recontextualise to information gathered through the selected academic texts relevant to the conflict. The aim of this recontextualisation is to attempt to identify hidden mechanisms that could be responsible for the occurrence of collective political violence in the context of Chechnya. Numerous deprivations of the Chechen people’s basic human needs can potentially lead to frustration being perceived through a sense of shared group interest identity. Elites can then use this identity to mobilize the discontented masses in order to obtain political power for themselves whilst achieving the goals of the group they claim to represent. Russia’s Counterterrorism strategy does not seek to address these grievances and therefore violence is likely to continue to occur.

Researchers have failed to specify when crime and counter-normative actions, as opposed to other responses may occur as a consequence of relative deprivation. To clarify this issue, a mediational model was developed that specified the causal processes leading from the recognition of deprivation to crime and counter-normative actions. This model hypothesizes that the recognition of deprivation (cognitive relative deprivation) leads to feelings associated with this recognition (affective relative deprivation) which in turn leads to crime and counter-normative actions. This model applies to both personal and group deprivation. In both cases, the feelings associated with deprivation include anger, resentment, dissatisfaction, and discontent. Data from a sample of 950 males between the ages of 16 to 30 supported the mediational model. Moderator variables were hypothesized to influence the causal processes in the mediational model, and were thus employed to specify the conditions under which the recognition of deprivation became more likely to lead to intense emotional reactions, and the conditions under which these emotional reactions became more likely to lead to crime and counter-normative actions. Personal deprivation was found to lead to stronger emotional responses if persons were pessimistic about their deprivation being relieved in the future, while at the group level, higher levels of optimism were related to stronger emotional responses. Both types of deprivation also lead to stronger emotional responses when persons believe that financial success and wealth are important. The emotive responses for both personal and group deprivation, in turn, were more likely to lead to crime and counter-normative actions if deprived persons had criminal peers. It was also found that the recognition of personal deprivation was more likely to lead to depression and lower self-esteem if people blamed themselves for their deprivation than if they did not. Persons who were not optimistic that their deprivation would be relieved in the future were more depressed than persons who were optimistic. Persons whose in-group was deprived were more likely to have lower self-esteem if they blamed the in-group for its deprivation than if they did not.

We estimate the effect of regional income inequality on emigration rates of Austrian municipalities using a unique data set that is constructed We estimate the effect of regional income inequality on emigration rates of Austrian municipalities using a unique data set that is constructed based on individual level data from Austrian administrative registers. The register-based data contains information on the municipality of residence of all individuals aged 16 and over that have their main residency in Austria, as well as their income and socio-demographic characteristics. Aggregating this information to the municipality level allows us to assess the role of relative deprivation - a measure of relative income - on top of absolute income in shaping internal migration in Austria. We find that increases in relative deprivation in a municipality lead to higher emigration from the municipality. Allowing for heterogeneous effects across income, education, and age groups reveals that the effect is stronger among those with comparably low levels of income, and among low skilled and young individuals. / Series: INEQ Working Paper Series

Selynn Yan Ting Lim Abstract The thesis endeavours to use the concept of relative deprivation to explain and account for the reasons behind the various manifestations of political and religious tension in Indonesia. From the most recent series of bombings in Surabaya in 2018, to the conflicts in the Maluku Islands back in 1999, it is undeniable that Indonesia is not immune to extremist activities or religious- political conflicts. The involvement of Political Entrepreneurs (PEs), such as giving a frame to people's perceived grievances, drive sentiments of being deprived in relative to other groups. Such feelings are especially made salient with the influence of social media. At the same time, the Indonesian government's advocacy of the wasatiyyah concept, which means middle-path Islam, appears to be its most effective tool in countering the trend of extremism in the society. However, such an interpretation of Islam is potentially at odds with the "right" form of Islam as practiced by the Muslims in Saudi Arabia. Faced with increasing pressure from Islamic hardliners in the society, the Indonesian state ideology - Pancasila - is under much threat as people are gradually becoming disillusioned with it.